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The Memorial: <strong>to</strong> successfully push for <strong>the</strong> creationThe memorial of a permanent ICC. But <strong>the</strong> highand cemetery costs and glacial movement of <strong>the</strong>in Srebrenica- tribunal’s cases, along with itsPo<strong>to</strong>cari honors inability <strong>to</strong> gain trust in resistant<strong>the</strong> victims of <strong>the</strong> settings like Serbia or <strong>to</strong> measurably1995 massacre. promote reconciliation (at times,Remains are still it has seemed <strong>to</strong> do <strong>the</strong> opposite),being identified raised concerns. Critics have usedand buried. <strong>the</strong>se shortcomings <strong>to</strong> argue thatinternational tribunals are not onlydivisive but a waste of resources that could be spent betterelsewhere in fledgling societies.More practically, <strong>the</strong> shortcomings also contributed<strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong> U.N. Security Council and <strong>the</strong> ICTY developing<strong>the</strong> 2003 completion strategy that placed an increasedresponsibility on <strong>the</strong> national courts. The completionstrategy also reflected a belief that <strong>the</strong> passage of timehad stabilized national governments of <strong>the</strong> formerYugoslavia <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong> point where <strong>the</strong>y could begin <strong>to</strong> handle<strong>the</strong>ir own war crimes cases. (In fact, some war crimes trialshad taken place in national courts in <strong>the</strong> region, though <strong>the</strong>credibility of <strong>the</strong> proceedings were of regular concern <strong>to</strong>human rights groups.)The situation in Serbia was never<strong>the</strong>less harrowing in2003. Milosevic was ousted in 2000 by <strong>the</strong> DemocraticOpposition of Serbia, a tenuous alliance between <strong>the</strong>nationalism of Vojislav Kostunica, who became president,and <strong>the</strong> more moderate and pro-West factions led by ZoranDindic, who became prime minister. Dindic operatedbehind Kostunica’s back <strong>to</strong> orchestrate Milosevic’s arrestand transfer <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong> ICTY in 2001. In March 2003, anorganized crime group assassinated Dindic in an operationreportedly called “S<strong>to</strong>p The Hague.”The tragedy not only intensifiedcrackdowns on organized crime,which had flourished underMilosevic, but it also createdincreased momentum for a WarCrimes Chamber. Significantdomestic support already existedfor <strong>the</strong> establishment of a newchamber for organized crimecases. International pressure fromEurope and <strong>the</strong> U.S. along with <strong>the</strong>expectation of ICTY case transfersallowed <strong>the</strong> creation of <strong>the</strong>Belgrade War Crimes Chamber <strong>to</strong>be “folded in<strong>to</strong>” <strong>the</strong> same process,according <strong>to</strong> OSCE’s Jovanovic;both new chambers were createdin 2003. Jovanovic also said <strong>the</strong>rewas a genuine desire on <strong>the</strong> part ofsome Serb prosecu<strong>to</strong>rs and judgesas well as o<strong>the</strong>r members of <strong>the</strong> government <strong>to</strong> prove thatSerbia could handle its own war crimes cases.Vukcevic said he accepted <strong>the</strong> job because he felt it wasimportant and honorable work."We prosecute people whose hands are stained with bloodand who brought shame on our country," he said. "Ourchildren do not deserve <strong>to</strong> be left with such a heavy burdenon <strong>the</strong>ir shoulders, and that is ... a strong motive behindone’s decision <strong>to</strong> take on a duty like this."A successful completion strategy would also requirecredible domestic prosecutions in <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r republics.In Bosnia-Herzegovina, where <strong>the</strong> war had inflictedtremendous damage <strong>to</strong> physical and administrativeinfrastructures, <strong>the</strong> new domestic chamber required moreformal international participation, even though <strong>the</strong>re wasa stronger demand for war crimes cases in that country.The U.N. Office of <strong>the</strong> High Representative for Bosnia-Herzegovina and <strong>the</strong> ICTY established a specialized warcrimes chamber in Sarajevo that began operations in 2005.Though part of <strong>the</strong> domestic justice system, <strong>the</strong> court wasset up as something of a hybrid with <strong>the</strong> participation ofinternational judges and prosecu<strong>to</strong>rs who have been phasedout of <strong>the</strong> operations over time. Like Serbia, Croatia’swar crimes cases have taken place without internationalparticipation, most of <strong>the</strong>m in various local courts around<strong>the</strong> country, though recent reforms are designed <strong>to</strong> funnel<strong>the</strong> cases <strong>to</strong> specialized chambers.All of <strong>the</strong>se domestic efforts have received <strong>the</strong>ir share ofmixed re<strong>view</strong>s over <strong>the</strong> years. The dedicated chambers inBosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia have been generally <strong>view</strong>edas meeting international legal standards for war crimesprosecutions. The cases in Croatia, with so many tried indispersed local courts, have received <strong>the</strong> most criticism forL A W D R A G O N 42 I s s u e 13Pho<strong>to</strong> by: john ryan

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