Violence against children, the voices of Ugandan ... - Raising Voices

ViolenceAgainstChildrenThe Voices of Ugandan Children and AdultsDipak Nakerin Uganda

Copyright © 2005 Raising Voices and Save the Children in UgandaAll rights reserved. All photographs printed by permission of the photographer for this publication only.ISBN: 9970-893-07-1Violence against Children: The Voices of Ugandan Children and AdultsBy Dipak NakerPhotography: Heidi Jo Brady (hojos@earthlink.net)Editing: Stephanie Sauve (ssauve@yahoo.ca)Design Concept and Cover: Kathrin Ayer (www.gypsykat.com)Layout and Formatting: Samson Mwaka (mwakasw@yahoo.co.uk)Graphic Design Support Services and Publication: Graphic Publishers Ltd (graphicspb@lycos.com)Note: Photographs used in this publication do not imply identity of participants in the study.Raising VoicesPlot 16 Tufnell Drive, KamwokyaPO Box 6770Kampala, UgandaTel: +256 41 531186Fax: +256 41 531249Email: info@raisingvoices.orgWebsite: www.raisingvoices.orgSave the Children in UgandaPlot 69 Kiira RoadPO Box 12018Kampala, UgandaTel: +256 41 258815Fax: +256 41 341700Email: sciug@sciug.org

ViolenceAgainstChildrenThe Voices of Ugandan Children and AdultsDipak NakerRaising Voicesin Uganda

Part One Research Design

DedicationThis work is dedicated to the children of Uganda whose experienceof childhood depends on what you and I do today, tomorrow andthe day after. They are waiting to hold our hand, to show us what itcould be like, if only we will listen and learn.Part One Research Design

ContentsAcknowledgementsExecutive SummaryiiiivPART ONEResearch Design 1Introduction 2Participants 3Methodology 4Defining “Violence Against Children” 10Implications for the Study 13PART TWOChildren’s Experiences of Violence 15Have you experienced violenceagainst you? 16Have you experienced physical violence? 18Have you experiencedemotional violence? 22Have you experienced sexual violence? 26Have you experienced economicviolence? 30How do you feel when violence iscommitted against you? 38What do you do when violence iscommitted against you? 44What, if anything, should be done aboutviolence against children? 48Key Findings 54PART THREEAdults’ Rationale for Violence AgainstChildren 57Are children punished in your community? 59Do you punish children? 62How often do you punish children? 65In what ways do you punish children? 68Physical punishment 69Emotional punishment 72Economic punishment 74Who do you punish? 76Why do you punish children? 80Are there ways in which adults mistreatchildren? 83What should be done when adultsmistreat children? 87Key Findings 90PART FOURRecommendations 93Policy Makers 94School Administrators 96Civil Society Organizations 96Children 97Local Government Officials andCommunity Members 98Development Partners 99Final Word 100iContents

TABLES1.1 Children consulted through each methodof data collection 61.2 Adults consulted through each method ofdata collection 7PANELSAre children assets? 30What kind of relationships do we want tocreate with children? 46FIGURESPart Two2.1 Types of violence experienced by children 162.2 Types of physical violence experienced bychildren, as per sex of respondents 182.3 Types of physical violence experienced byin and out of school children 192.4 Types of emotional violence experienced bychildren, as per sex of respondents 222.5 Types of emotional violence experiencedby in and out of school children 232.6 Types of sexual violence experienced bychildren, as per sex of respondents 262.7 Types of sexual violence experienced by inand out of school children 272.8 Types of sexual violence experienced bychildren, as per age of respondents 272.9 Types of economic violence experienced bychildren, as per sex of respondents 302.10 Types of economic violence experienced bychildren, as per age of respondents 312.11 Types of economic violence experiencedby in and out of school children 312.12 Persons who commit violence againstchildren at home, by sex of respondents 342.13 Persons who commit violence againstchildren at school, by sex of respondents 352.14 Persons who commit violence againstchildren at school, by age of respondents 352.15 Types of feelings children have whenexperiencing violence 382.16 Actions of children when they experienceviolence 442.17 Children’s opinion on whether somethingshould be done 482.18 Children’s ideas for action to be taken whenadults mistreat children, by sex of respondents 482.19 Children’s ideas for action to be taken whenadults mistreat children, by age of respondents 49Part Three3.1 Perception of norms regarding punishmentof children, by sex of respondents 593.2 Percentage of adults who punish children,by role of respondents 593.3 Types of punishment adults report usingwith children 623.4 Types of punishment adults report usingwith children, by sex of respondents 623.5 Types of punishment adults report usingwith children, by role of respondents 633.6 Frequency of punishment as reported byadults, by role of respondents 653.7 Frequency of punishment of children asreported by adults, by sex of respondents 663.8 Types of punishments used with children,as reported by adults 683.9 Comparison of children’s and adult’sreports of use of physical punishment 693.10 Types of physical punishment used byadults, by sex of respondents 703.11 Types of emotional punishment used byadults, by sex of respondents 723.12 Types of economic punishment used byadults, by sex of respondents 743.13 Who adults punish 763.14 Who adults punish, by role of respondents 773.15 Adult rationale for punishing children 803.16 What adults believe they demonstratewhen then punish children 813.17 Adults’ response regarding if children weremistreated in their community 833.18 Adults’ perception of child mistreatmentin their community 843.19 Adults’ suggested response to childmistreatment, by role of respondent 87Part One Research Contents Designii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSFirst and foremost, our gratitude goes to thechildren and adults who were the subjects for thisstudy. Courageously, they chose to speak-out,to articulate controversial points of view, to putthemselves on the line. Their generosity and theirwillingness to share painful experiences made thiswork possible. To them and countless unheardvoices, we owe action.Reaching-out to these individuals and buildingthe trusting relationships within which personalexperiences could be shared, was admirablycompleted by the researchers Lucy Apio, RehemaKajungu, Josephine Kamisya, and Jean Kemitare.They moved with ease between dialogues withchildren and adults. They listened carefully andcompassionately without being overwhelmed bywhat they heard. Their skills and professionalismcontributed immensely to the quality of theresearch.Thank you to the many individuals who helpeddesign this study, in particular, Tom Barton,Rachel Rinaldo, Christine Stevens, and RobertWyrod. Their comments and experience savedus much time, resources, and heartache. I amalso immensely grateful to Stephanie Sauve formeticulous and sensitive editing of this work.She gave to this project much more than she wascontracted for.Kathrin Ayer developed the design concept for thisreport. Her creativity and design work has madethe publication much more accessible to a wideraudience. Many thanks also to Samson Mwaka whoundertook the final layout and formatting of thereport. Samson’s long hours of patient, detailedwork went beyond the call of duty.I am grateful to Heidi Jo Brady for donatingthe use of her photographs for this report. Herexceptional photography adds a dimension to thisreport that text alone could never accomplish.At Save the Children in Uganda (SCiU), LaetitiaBasemera saw the importance of this work andmade it possible by opening all the necessarydoors. Jenifer Bukokhe managed the complexinterests of various parties with grace and efficiencyand made many insightful suggestions on thefinal draft of the report. Lisa Sekaggya and JoyceOtimodoch negotiated, on our behalf, the mazeof logistics and bureaucracy needed to conductresearch of this kind, and made it look easy.Germine Sebwuffu provided valuable input duringthe development and implementation phases.SCiU field staff and government counterpartsin all five districts pulled many strings to solveproblems, even before these problems appearedon the radar. All of these individuals demonstratedin action their commitment to promote children’srights.Lori Michau has made countless valuablesuggestions, commented on several drafts of thereport, managed the final design phase of thereport and provided encouragement and supportthrough all stages of the work. Without her help,this work would be less, by much.All these friends and colleagues have enriched thework. However, the ultimate responsibility for anyof its shortcomings rests entirely with the author.Dipak NakerCo-DirectorRaising VoicesiiiPart AcknowledgementsOne Research Design

EXECUTIVE SUMMARYThis study examines the stories and opinionsof 1406 children and 1093 adults from fivediverse districts in Uganda. Five complementaryresearch methods including questionnaires,focus group discussions, narrative role plays, keyinformant interviews, and journal writing servedto engage a broad range of individuals in sharingtheir experiences and perspectives on violenceagainst children. Children were asked about theirexperiences of the violenceused against them: how theviolence manifests, how oftenit occurs, who commits it, howit makes them feel, how theyreact, and what they believeshould be done to prevent it.Adults were asked about theirperspective of violence againstchildren: how they understandthe term “violence againstchildren,” how adults in theircommunities punish children,how they themselves punishchildren, how they rationalize thetypes of punishment they use,and what they believe should bedone to prevent violence againstchildren.In overwhelming numbers,children described the rampant use of violenceagainst them. More than 98 percent of childrenreported experiencing physical or emotionalviolence, 75.8 percent reported experiencingsexual violence, and 74.4 percent reportedexperiencing economic violence. For each formof violence, a significant percentage of childrenreported experiencing the violence at least once aweek or more.Children described violence occurring at home,as well as at school. At home, the father andstepmother perpetrated the violence most often,whereas at school older students and teacherswere named most frequently. While almost allchildren experienced common forms of violence(e.g., caning and slapping), the predominantmanifestation of the violence depended on the sex,age, and social status of the child. For example,of all the children consultedin this study, older boys weremore likely to experiencesevere physical violence, andolder girls were more likely toexperience sexual violence.Children expressed feelingintense anger (66.7 percent),fear (65.9 percent), andshame (56.6 percent) whenviolence was committedagainst them. A considerablenumber of children sharedtransitional thoughts of suicideand revenge, or admittedto displacing their angeron younger children. Manychildren reported that theirexperiences of violence shapedtheir beliefs about themselvesand some children discussed how experiencingviolence undermined their trust in adults andconfidence in themselves. However, these feelingsdid not render children passive, as many becameactive protagonists seeking a resolution to theirsituation. For example, 62.3 percent of the childrenexplained that when they experienced violencethey sought help from other adults, and 54.7Part One Executive Research Summary Designiv

percent described crying loudly to attract attentionor hiding to avoid the immediate violence. Onlyone in five, mostly younger children, said they didnothing when violence was committed againstthem.When asked what should be done to preventviolence against children, most children preferredcaution and sensitivity. They urged for a nonpunitiveresponse, such as engaging parents (79.4percent) and teachers (73.9 percent) in a dialogueabout how to relate more equitably with children.They suggested engaging a broad cross sectionof adults in a similar dialogue through communitywideactions. They recommended the creation oflocal response mechanisms that would meet theneeds of children when violence was perpetratedagainst them. Relatively fewer children suggestedthe involvement of police (56.9 percent).Most adults (90 percent) agreed that in theircommunities, children were deliberately beaten,shouted at, and denied food or basic needs, yetthey hesitated to label these acts as “violence.”They preferred the word “punishment,” explaininghow adults use these acts to guide children. Theadults conceptualised punishment as moderateand acceptable acts and described violence asexcessive and inappropriate punishments, whichthey preferred calling “mistreatment.” Althoughmany adults insisted that they knew the differencebetween punishing a child and mistreating a child,almost half (46.8 percent) said they would withdrawbasic needs from a child as a form of punishment.Thirty seven percent of adults said that children intheir communities were “frequently mistreated,”and a further 55.1 percent said that children were“sometimes mistreated.”Most adults (91.3 percent) described using acombination of physical and emotional punishmentto control children, most commonly caning,shouting, and assigning physical work (above andbeyond normal chores). When compared to reportsfrom children, adults consistently under-reportedthe extent of punishment they inflicted on children(with the exception of caning and glaring). Manyadults discounted ad hoc incidents of shouting,pinching, or slapping, not even considering thempunishment.When asked why they punished children, manyadults claimed that they did it to make childrencompliant, obedient, and respectful of traditions.However, many adults doubted whether theircurrent methods of punishment would ensure thisoutcome. Although 87.9 percent of adults saidthey punished children to guide them on how tobehave, only 32.6 percent firmly believed that thepunishment would change the child’s behaviour.Many adults disapproved of holding adultsaccountable for their actions against children,believing that this accountability cultivateduncontrollable behaviour in children. They resentedthe dialogue on children’s rights especiallyabout “prohibition of corporal punishment” andcomplained that it was preventing them fromdischarging their duty as adults. However despitethese sentiments, 81.7 percent of these adults saidthey punished their own children, and 57.9 percentsaid they felt comfortable punishing other childrenin the community. Clearly, adults have reacheda critical juncture regarding their relationshipwith children. The rhetoric of children’s rights asperceived by adults, particularly discussions aboutthe usage of corporal punishment, has introducedvixixix Part Executive IntroductionOne Research SummaryDesign

a new dimension to the adult-child relationship.It has provoked anxiety and misunderstandingamong adults at the expense of children who bearthe brunt of the backlash.Cumulatively, the findings from this study pointto an urgent need for a multi-layered responsein Uganda. Firstly there is a need to develop acomprehensive policy framework that addresseswithin all policy initiatives, the detriment of thecurrent power-based model of the adult-childrelationship and its manifestations within homes,schools, and communities. While several childcentricpolicy initiatives are already in place,none of them address the fundamental issue ofchildren’s lack of power in their relationships withadults. Secondly there is a need to develop nonpunitive,practical, and creative outreach programsthat skilfully dispel the antagonism gatheringmomentum within the adult-child relationship.These programs would promote an alternativemodel for the adult-child relationship; one thatfosters mutual respect and encourages childengagement rather than mere compliance withinthe relationship. Finally there is a need to establishcommunity-based mechanisms that proactivelyrespond to children experiencing violence.Subsequent layers of response would build onthese foundational layers to consolidate a longtermstrategy of promoting equity in the adult-childrelationship.between actions and intentions, experiencesand perceptions. The first part will describe themethodology or how those voices were engaged.The second part will report on the dialogue withthe children and the third part on the dialogue withadults. The final part will draw together the findingsof the study to suggest recommendations foractions aimed at various duty-bearers.This report’s central aim is to present the voicesof children and adults as they were captured inthe study. The presentation and layout is aimedat bringing as many of those voices to a wideraudience as possible in their clarity and unanimity.It also aims to draw attention to the disconnectionPart One Executive Research Summary Designvi

Part One Research Design

PART ONEResearch DesignPURPOSE OF STUDYPARTICIPANTSFRAME OF REFERENCEMETHODOLOGYPart one of this report summarizesthe various elements of theresearch design, including purposeof the study, methodology used,description of participants andethical considerations. There is alsoa discussion on the terminologyused in the study from theperspectives of both children andadults.Part One Research Design

INTRODUCTIONBackgroundAlthough the United Nation’s Convention on theRights of the Child (UNCRC) clearly articulates,in Article 19, the state’s responsibility to protectchildren from all forms of violence, it is widelyacknowledged that globally little of that obligationhas been translated into practice. Furthermore,until recently, there was no coordinated globaleffort to consolidate the information on children’sexperiences of violence against them. However as aresult of the discussions during the United NationsGeneral Assembly’s Special Session (UNGASS) in2000 and 2001, the Secretary General of the UnitedNations (UN) appointed a special rapporteur toinvestigate this situation in early 2003. A multicountrystudy to define and measure the extent ofthe problem is currently underway.In Uganda, the situation is not much different. Littleis known about children’s perspectives on the natureand extent of the violence used against them. Evenless is known about who perpetrates the violence,where children most commonly experience it, andwhat children believe ought to be done about it.Consequently, many of the responses to violenceagainst children tend to be ad hoc and sometimeseven counterproductive. It was in response to thissituation, Raising Voices and Save the Childrenin Uganda undertook this study. It will, we hopecontribute to generating momentum for discussionof how to respond to the dearth of information andinfrastructure and inspire action.PurposeThe purpose of this study is to generate credibleinformation that will enable the creation of effectiveinterventions for the prevention of violence againstchildren. The study aims to understand howand why violence against children continues tooccur, so that the information generated can beused to design programs, develop policies, andinspire further similar research towards creating ameaningful response to the problem.It does not attempt to delve into a detailed analysisof mechanisms of and motives for perpetratingviolence and recognises that the analysis, out ofnecessity, will remain at a broad level. The work ofthe study resolves into two broad questions:What are children’s experiences of violenceagainst them?The exploration of this question begins with aninvestigation of how children conceptualise theviolence against them, the nature of that violence,how often it happens, who perpetrates it, where itoccurs, and what they think should be done about it.Why do adults perpetrate violence againstchildren?The exploration to this question begins with aninvestigation of how adults conceptualise violenceagainst children, the nature of the violence theyperpetrate against children, how often theyperpetrate it, who they perpetrate it against, andwhat they think should be done about it.2Part One Research Design

PARTICIPANTSA total of 1406 children (719 girls and 687 boys)and 1093 adults (520 women and 573 men)participated in this study. These participantsrepresent a broad range of backgrounds, includingchildren 8 to 18 years old, children in school andout of school, parents, teachers, and variouscommunity leaders. It was assumed that all adultshad interactions with children and that most ofthem were also parents (see Tables 1.1 and 1.2).ApacA district in the northern part of Uganda that oftenserves as the first relatively safe haven from thearea of conflict further north. It has several internallydisplaced persons (IDP) camps and is spread outover 6488 square km. It has a population of 454,504most of whom speak Luo. Almost 90 percent ofthe population is spread out in rural areas and theremaining 10 percent clustered around Apac town. 1IgangaA semi urban district with large section of thepopulation living near the main highway to the eastof Uganda and further on to Kenya. It is relativelyaccessible from Kampala and as a result has regularcommercial thoroughfare. It has a population of692,000 spread out over an area of 6435 squarekm. Two languages are spoken widely in this area,Luganda and Lusoga.KaseseA western district, near the border with DemocraticRepublic of Congo (DRC). It has diverse geographicfeatures including Lake Edward and RwenzoriMountains. Most of the population is spread outAt the time of the study, participants lived in oneof five districts in Uganda: Apac, Iganga, Kasese,Nakapiripirit, and Wakiso. These districts representa variety of perspectives and priorities. They wereselected primarily based on their geographicdiversity, and for the existing infrastructure thatcould support implementation of the project,accessibility to participants, and safety of theresearchers. These districts represent culturaldiversity, and a combination of urban, semi-urban,and rural perspectives.in rural areas and involved in agricultural as well asindustrial activities. The main languages spokeninclude Lhukonzo and Lutoro although in borderareas with DRC, Kiswahili is also spoken. It has apopulation of 343,600.NakapiripiritSituated in the far Eastern corner of Ugandabordering Kenya, Nakapiripirit is sparsely populatedand predominantly rural. This is one of the leastdeveloped districts in Uganda with low literacy ratesamong adults. The population is mainly Karimojongand the Pokot who are predominantly pastoralists.The last available estimates of population puts thefigure at approximately 41,000 spread out over anarea of 2712 square km.WakisoBordering Kampala, this is a district with a complexboundary and relatively densely packed populationof 562,609 people in 2723 square km. It has goodroad connections to Kampala and includes an urbancentre of Entebbe as well as outlying rural areas.Most people speak Luganda and are involved in adiverse range of economic activity including fishingand agriculture.1This and all other information about size and population of districts extracted from Uganda Districts Information Handbook (2002), compiled by Mugisha Odrek RwabwoogoPart One Research Design3

FRAME OF REFERENCEForms of ViolenceFor the purposes of this study, the acts of violenceagainst children are organized under four broadforms; physical, emotional, sexual and economic.While this may oversimplify the reality of children’sexperience (most acts of violence are multifaceted),it does facilitate a meaningful discussion and allowsresponses to become more specific. However,the study will not propose a false hierarchy ofimportance within the four forms.Causes of ViolenceThis study assumes that most violence againstchildren, within the domestic realm, is theconsequence of children’s low status in the socialhierarchy of power. In other words, violence isinflicted on children mainly because they arechildren, and less so because of their actions. Forexample, an adult male who commits the samemistake as a child would not be beaten, but thechild would. Thus, this study analyses violencewithin the context of this power-based adult-childrelationship. It avoids simple cause-and-effectlinkages, such as alcohol, jealousy, misbehaviour,and poverty as the causes of violence, althoughit recognises that they can act as triggers forviolence.Violence as ContextThis study conceptualises the violence thatchildren experience as a context of the adultchildrelationship rather than an event within thatrelationship. The experience of violence goes wellbeyond the slap or the insult. The adult uses theslap or the insult to instigate and reinforce a beliefsystem in children regarding their abilities, theirworth as individuals, and their possibilities for thefuture. Thus, within this study, the attention centerson the nature of the adult-child relationship, andthe analysis focuses on children’s experiences ofnavigating that relationship.Children FirstIn this study, children’s best interests takeprecedence. Children’s participation is perceivedas a crucial source of information, interviewers usechild-centric consultation methods, and children’sinput carries as much weight as that of adults. Thisstudy makes every effort to ensure that children’svoices are heard.Identifying Common ThemesThe study will be vigilant against homogenizingthe interests of children as one large category.However, the analysis will synthesize commonthemes and identify priorities of children as agroup.4Part One Research Design

METHODOLOGYData CollectionThe research design combines five complementarymethods of data collection: questionnaires, focusgroup discussions (FGD), narrative role plays(NRP), key informant interviews, and journalwriting. Together they offer varied approaches forengaging participants in sharing their personalexperiences regarding violence against children. Astandardized research protocol was developed andused in each district.QuestionnairesResearchers administered 1000 questionnaires tochildren in groups of 10, including 750 in-schoolchildren selected from 50 schools and 250 out-ofschoolchildren (selected using quota sampling).Researchers also administered 900 questionnairesto adults in groups of 10 to 15, including 400parents, 400 teachers, and 100 communityleaders (all selected using quota sampling). Tworesearchers facilitated each group. One researcherread the questions to the participants, and theother researcher assisted participants as necessary.This process rendered 777 valid questionnairesfrom children and 755 from adults. All numericaldata quoted in this publication is derived fromanalysis of questionnaires.Focus Group DiscussionsFocus group discussions were segregatedby sex and age (for childen) and included 42discussions with children and 28 with adults withten participants per group (selected using quotasampling).Narrative Role PlaysThis study reached 100 children -- half boys, halfgirls, half in school, and half out of school throughnarrative role plays. The total sample was dividedinto 10 sex-segregated groups, 2 per district with10 children each, and each group process lastingapproximately four hours. The process beganwith a brainstorm and a discussion about howparticipants understood the term “violence againstchildren,” followed by the sharing of experiences.Subsequently, the group divided into two, andeach group prepared a short play based on theirexperiences of violence against children. Eachgroup had the opportunity to act out their shortplay for the other participants. After the plays, theparticipants discussed what they observed, whetherthe plays reflected the reality in their communities,and their proposed strategies for preventingviolence against children.Table 1.1 Children consulted through each method of data collectionGroup FGD Questionnaire Interview NRP Journal TotalIn Out In Out In Out In Out Total8-14 yrs Girls 50 70 196 27 12 4 20 20 8 40715-18 yrs Girls 50 60 115 47 13 12 10 0 5 3128-14 yrs Boys 50 30 174 32 15 6 20 10 7 34415-18 yrs Boys 40 70 125 61 12 10 10 10 5 343Subtotal 190 230 610 167 52 32 60 40 25 1406Part One Research Design5

Key Informant InterviewsKey informants included 84 children and 58 adults who participated inone-on-one interviews regarding their experiences of and perspectives onviolence against children. These individuals were identified based on theirunique backgrounds or positions in the community and their willingnessto share their experiences (e.g., child with a disability, imprisoned child,religious leader, headmaster, police officer, social welfare officer, etc.).Journal WritingThe research team asked 25 children to record, over a 10-day period, their thoughts, experiences, andstrategies for combating violence against children. These 25 children were identified based on their ability towrite and the willingness to attend a briefing and debriefing meeting.Table 1.2 Adults consulted through each method of datacollectionWomenGroup Questionnaires FGD Interview TotalTeachers 191 40 11 242Parents 129 50 10 189Community Leaders 31 50 8 89Subtotal 351 140 29 520MenTeachers 196 30 9 235Formative Research andTool DevelopmentAdditional adults and children formed fouradvisory groups. Two groups consistedexclusively of children (20 girls in onegroup and 20 boys in the other), and twogroups consisted exclusively of adults(10 women in one group and 10 men inthe other). These groups commentedon the concept of the study, influencedthe design of the study, and guided thewording in the research tools.Parents 154 60 12 226Community Leaders 54 50 8 112 Each advisory group met three times.In the first meeting, group membersSubtotal 404 140 29 573engaged in a broad ranging discussionTotal 1093 exploring their conception of violenceagainst children, why it occurs, and whatshould be done to prevent it. Key themeswere identified and carried through to the subsequent meetings. In the second meeting, group membersdiscussed specific concepts (e.g., how adults understand the word “violence”) and the questions that wouldbe used to elicit information from the subjects. In the third and final meeting, participants examined theresearch tools that would support data collection and provided their final comments. Fifty questionnaires wereadministered to adults and fifty to children as a pre-test of the tools developed through this process and finaladjustments were made.6Part One Research Design

Through this process, two interesting discussionsdeeply influenced the research design. Amongthe child advisors, a lively discussion arose as towhether a questionnaire would effectively elicitthe experiences of children. Ultimately, most ofthese advisors felt that, in a Ugandan context,many children would prefer to be asked structuredquestions, for which they could then choose froma selection of pre-written answers. They cautionedthe researchers to explicitly differentiate for childrenbetween the questionnaire process and a schoolexamination, the latter aiming to elicit expectedanswers and evaluate performance. They alsorecommended keeping the questionnaire simpleand providing assistance, to younger and out-ofschoolchildren in particular, with how to completethe questionnaires.Among the adult advisors, a heated discussionarose regarding the appropriate terminology for thestudy. The adult advisors ultimately suggested thatthe expression “punishing children” replace that of“violence against children” (for further discussionon this recommendation see pages12,13 and 58).In the end, the advisory groups aided in thedevelopment of three sets of tools to support datacollection:1. Questionnaires (one for children and one foradults)2. FGD topic guides (one for children and one foradults)3. Key informant interview topic guides (one forchildren and one for adults)Each research tool underwent translation into thefour local languages (Luganda, Lhukonzo, Pokot,and Luo) and then back-translation by a differenttranslator. This dual process allowed for thereconciliation of discrepancies in meaning betweenthe four translated versions and, for questionnaires,discrepancies in the order of questions andpossible answers.Data AnalysisThe data from the questionnaires was captured inEpi Info and analysed using Statistical Package forPart One Research Design 7

Social Sciences (SPSS). The notes from focus groupdiscussions, narrative role plays, and key informantinterviews were segregated by key groups (seeTables 1.1 and 1.2) and ordered by questionnumber. They were then manually coded based ona key developed by the research team, and majorthemes were identified. The Journals were alsocoded in a similar way for key themes. Quotationswere highlighted and typed under key themesusing sex, district, the age of children, and thesocial role of adults as identifiers.Ethical ConsiderationsEthical considerations 2 guided every stage ofthe research process , from research design andparticipant selection through to all interactionswith both children and adults, all data analysisand reporting. For example, prior to each activity,the participants received information on what theactivity addressed, what purpose it served, andhow the information gathered during the activitywould be used. The participants were reassuredthat they were selected not because they had donesomething wrong but because the study aimedto learn from them about their experiences andbeliefs.Each activity began with an explicit explanationthat participation was entirely voluntary and nosanction would result if any participant declinedto participate or withdrew at any stage of theprocess. Particular care was taken with childrenthrough tone and body language to developtrust. Researchers were trained to adopt a friendlydemeanour (without patronizing) and to at all times,be aware of the power they wielded in the presenceof children, simply because they were adults. Finally,the researchers read out an explicit statement ofinformed consent that required each participant toaffirm they were participating voluntarily.All participants were also assured that their identitywould not be disclosed 3 without their informedconsent (e.g., consent would be sought if theircontributions were used in a case study) and thattheir real names would not be used in any quotationor documentation. Children, in particular, wereassured that no one in their communities, especiallytheir parents or teachers, would be told about whatthey had shared.Researchers were trained not to pressure anyparticipant into revealing personal or traumaticinformation the participant was not ready toshare. Participants who did share painful personalexperiences were offered, at the end of theprocess, further opportunity to talk about theirconcerns. Those who wanted further support werereferred to the appropriate local agencies. Thosewho requested a specific action were (with theirinformed consent) introduced to the local probationofficer or the appropriate field staff member of Savethe Children in Uganda, who agreed to work withthe participant to ensure action was taken.2Save the Children Uganda has a clear ethical policy (derived from guidelines issued by Save the Children Alliance) guiding all interactions with and participation of children in anyactivity. This formed the basis of the research team’s interactions with children.3The photographs included in this report do not imply identity of any child or adult whose comments are discussed in the report. Most pictures were taken in Uganda by thephotographer, often travelling independently from the research team. Explicit consent was sought when photographing research process or activity.8Part One Research Design

Children’s VoicesWhat do you understand by the term “violence against children”?Violence is when they treat you badly so you feelbad all the time.13-year-old girl, ApacTying children with a rope and the child sleepsthere for three or more days without eating.12-year-old boy, KaseseTreating children badly. Giving a child heavywork and also beating and tying the child, thehands and legs with a rope then beating him.15-year-old boy, ApacLocking children up in the house.8-year-old girl, KaseseBurning them even when a child does a smallthing like fighting with his friend or stealing100/=.16-year-old girl, IgangaViolence is when they look at you with bad eyesto scare you.9-year-old boy, ApacDenying medical care or food to children.18-year-old girl, NakapiripiritExcessive beating, for example, caning achild 10 to 20 strokes, and the child runs madbecause of fear of the stick or even runs awayfrom home.10-year-old boy, NakapiripiritGiving children hard labour. Although we mustdo labour, it should be according to age. Forexample, a child of 6 years should not fetchfirewood or a 20 or 10-liter jerry can of water.Children should not be treated like this.17-year-old boy, WakisoI think it is the discrimination of childrenespecially by stepmothers. Some children arenot given food, school fees, and not allowed toexpress themselves freely. They are always putdown and always sad and not allowed to mixwith their stepbrothers and sisters.15-year-old girl, WakisoChild neglect by mothers who go to drinkwithout caring to prepare meals for thechildren.12-year-old girl, IgangaSome young girls are forced to marry a 50-yearoldman who has so many wives already.12-year-old girl, NakapiripiritOver-beating of children.15-year-old boy, WakisoPart One Research Design 9

DEFINING “VIOLENCE AGAINST CHILDREN”Definition of “Violence”This study applies, to the context of violence against children, the definition of violence put forward by theWorld Health Organization (WHO):The intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person, oragainst a group or community, that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death,psychological harm, maldevelopment or deprivation.World Report on Violence and Health 2002, WHOThis definition embodies four critical ideas thatresonate with the approach of this study. First,it incorporates the concept of “power” and,thus, implies analysis of the transaction in termsof a relationship. Second, it includes the use ofactual force as well as threatened force, the lattercharacterizing the bulk of the violence perpetratedagainst children. Third, it includes the acts thatlead to psychological harm, maldevelopment,and deprivation, all of which are critical concernswhen understanding the impact of violence onchildren. Finally, this conception of violenceclosely approximates what children understand asviolence, even though they may not use similarwords.However, in order to apply this WHO definitionto the study, the research team first had tocontend with a difference between children andadults’ conceptions of violence against children,a discrepancy that emerged during the formative10Part One Research Design

esearch.Children’s Conception of ViolenceIn almost every discussion it was apparent that children conceptualised violence as a way in which many adultsrelated to them and something that made them feel bad about themselves. They tended to use examplesto illustrate the meaning of violence rather than a conceptual definition. When the concept of violence wasexplored through different methods, the following ideas consistently emerged.1. Violence is about how adults make you feel bad. In a variety ofcontributions, when probed to clarify what made an act violent,children talked about residual feelings of anger, fear, shame, andhumiliation.Violence against children is when big people make you feelbad by doing bad things to you.13-year-old girl, Wakiso2. Violence is about bad things adults do to you. Most oftenchildren talked specifically about what adults did to them. Whenasked, “What is violence against children?” they gave examples ofpersonal experiences.It is when my father shouts at me all the time even forsmall mistakes.9-year-old boy, Apac3. Violence is about what adults don’t do. Children also gave examples of omissions and neglect as acts ofviolence, such as being ignored or excluded from the family.My stepmother never talks to me or teaches me anything. She ignores me as if she doesn’tnotice me at all and gives me sharp looks if I do something that she doesn’t like.8-year-old girl, Iganga4. Violence is wrong. Children expressed a clear judgment of violence as wrong. Each story of sustainedviolence carried indignation and the belief that the adult ought to have known better.It is not right to make a child walk four kilometres with a heavy load to sell things at the market,especially on a school day.15-year-old boy, KasesePart One Research Design 11

ADULTS’ CONCEPTION OF VIOLENCEThe topic of violence against children aroused controversy among many adults. They understood violence asan occasional act and described it as an incident (rather than within the nature of the adult-child relationship).They did not emphasise the impact of violence on their relationships with children or to the resultant feelingsfor the child or adult. When the concept of violence was explored through different methods, the followingideas consistently emerged:1. Violence is an excess of otherwise acceptable acts. Many adults described violence as excessivepunishment rather than the punishment itself.Two strokes [of the cane] for a child who is misbehaving is not bad. Twenty strokes however fora simple mistake is mistreatment of the child.female, parent, Apac2. Adults feel reluctant to use the word “violence.” Many adults felt reluctant to describe anyadult interaction with a child as violence. For obviously egregious acts, many chose the description“mistreatment” to imply a temporary aberration and discount the seriousness of the act. For othercontentious transactions, many adults preferred the term “punishment” to imply an intention to guidechildren rather than abuse power.Sometimes I see a mother hit her child badly. She doesn’t mean harm. Yes she is mistreating, butwith a good heart.female, community leader, Apac3. Punishment must involve physical or emotional pain. Many adults felt that for punishment to beeffective it was necessary to inflict physical or emotional pain. Adults considered a moderate amount ofpain, or severe pain over a short period of time, a useful tool for training children to avoid the perceivedmisbehaviour. They did not categorize the infliction of this pain as violence.If the child feels no pain, he will just laugh and learn nothing.male, community leader, Kasese4. Adults know the difference between punishment and mistreatment. Adults asserted that, by virtue ofbeing immersed in the Ugandan culture and cognizant of local sensibility, most adults developed a reliablesense of the boundary between the legitimate punishment of children and the mistreatment of children.We all grew up here. We know what is right and wrong when it comes to punishing children.female, community leader, Iganga5. Punishing children is a duty. Many adults felt it their duty to punish children in order to guide them onhow to behave.If you as a parent don’t punish your children, you are not their real parent.male, parent, Nakapiripirit12Part One Research Design

It was recognized during the formative research that if thedefinition advanced by WHO was to be adopted for thestudy, much of what adults considered ‘punishment’ mustbe understood as violence against children. For exampleduring the formative part of the research, some adultsargued against including acts such as shouting, threateningand glaring as examples of violence. Furthermore, asignificant number of adults, in informal conversationsasserted that even acts such as caning and slapping werenot violent, unless administered in excess.IMPLICATIONS FOR THE STUDYHowever it was also recognized during formative researchthat asking adults if they were violent towards childrenwould elicit an inauthentic response. Clearly very fewadults are likely to respond honestly to such a contentiousquestion. Thus a practical compromise was necessary toelicit a response that was representative of the reality.For the dialogue with adults, the concept of ‘punishingchildren’ was used instead of ‘violence against children.’The questions were phrased with the intention ofascertaining the nature, frequency, and the motivation forthe ‘acts’ as opposed to what it meant to the perpetratorof the act. Towards the end of each engagement, theboundary as perceived by the respondent, betweenpunishment (the acceptable behaviour) and mistreatment(the excess ‘acts’) was explored.Clearly this strategy has an associated cost. It couldappear to tacitly condone the ‘punishment’ and may evenmisdirect the respondent to talk only about a limited rangeof interactions with the children instead of the deeperfeelings, if the act was named as violence. However, thiswas weighed against findings from the pre-tests of researchtools where it was clear that adults were not engaginghonestly in conversations that labelled their actions asviolence, and that began by threatening the very basisof their relationships with children. The language of thequestions posed in the adult part of the report has to beunderstood within the context of this compromise.Part One Research Design 13

PART TWOChildren’s Experiences of ViolenceWHAT IT MEANS TO THEMWHO COMMITS IT AGAINST THEMWHAT THEY THINK SHOULD BE DONE ABOUT ITThrough various methodsof data collection,children responded tothese questions:Have you experienced violenceagainst you?Who commits violenceagainst you?How do you feel when youexperience violence?What do you do when violence iscommitted against you?What, if anything, shouldbe done about violenceagainst children?Part two of this report provides an overview ofthe consultations with children by juxtaposingchildren’s voices taken directly from research notesand the analysis of the data collected. It ends witha summary of key findings.

QUESTION 1Have you experienced violence against you?When researchers asked children, “Have youexperienced violence against you?” childrenresponded with a virtually unanimous andunambiguous “Yes.”Almost every child indicated without hesitationthat they had experienced violence. Children of allages, girls and boys, readily gave examples of theviolence they had experienced, from the adults intheir homes, schools, and communities.Physical violence was reported as the mostcommon form of violence experienced by children.Caning was reported most frequently, followedby slapping and pinching. Children reporteddenigration of their physical integrity, from beingshoved and kicked, to the constant threat of araised arm, even for minor offences.Emotional violence against children was alsocommon. Two thirds of the children reportedbeing shouted at, and more than half reportedCaningSlappingShoutingPinchingInsultingThreateningGlaringOverworkNot providing fees/uniformMaking you work for basic needsExposure to sexDenying foodTouching youSexual HarrasmentForced sexFigure 2.1 Types of violence experienced by children10 20 30 40 50 60 70% of respondents80 90A Boy at Boarding SchoolWe are at a boarding school where theytorture us. They beat us all the time. Thenurse shouts at you and doesn’t give you anytreatment if you are sick. The teachers beatyou for no reason. The food is terrible. It iswhat we call ‘transparent posho.’ It is so lightthere is no calories in it.One day me and my friends, we were sohungry. One of our friends had some moneyso we decided to go to the hotel near ourschool for some meat. We got there andordered our food and were so excited. Butbefore the food arrived, the headmasterwalked in. When he saw us, he exploded! Heshouted at us and gave us two slaps each infront of everyone. Then he made us hold ourearlobes and hop back to school frog-style.Everyone was laughing at us. When we gotto the school he said, ‘You wait, I am going toteach you a lesson tomorrow.’16Part Two Children’s Experiences

eing intimidated with glaring. More than half of the children said they were threatened and insulted by adultsfrequently.A significant proportion of children reported experiencing sexual violence. Of the children consulted throughthe questionnaire, one in six reported being forced to have sex. More than one third of the children reportedbeing touched sexually against their will, and a similar number reported being harassed sexually. A largenumber of children reported being exposed to their parents or other adults having sex or to explicit sexualmaterials.In focus group discussions, children readily cited economic violence as a form of violence against children.Almost half of the children reported denial of school fees and money for uniforms or denial of money formedical care as a form of punishment. Children also reported the exploitation of their labour, many describingthe assignment of excessive work as an explicit condition of partaking in the family. Of the children consultedthrough the questionnaire, one in five reported being denied food as a form of punishment for minorinfractions.Although no child was immune from any of the four forms of violence, the kind of violence childrenexperienced depended partially on their age, sex, and whether they attended school. For example, youngerchildren were more likely to be bullied in schools, older girls were more likely to be sexually harassed, outof-schoolchildren were more likely to experience emotional violence, and older boys were more likely toexperience extreme forms of physical violence. However, children emphasized that although the form ofviolence may vary, they had experienced violence against them in every stage of their childhood.You can’t escape it. From when you are born to when you are grown-up, they beat you, shout at you, insult you,and do what they like to you to control you. I don’t know why it has to be like that.16-year-old boy, ApacNext morning, he called all five of us in frontof the assembly. Again he gave us two slapseach, really painful slaps, and then announcedto the assembly what we had done. He thenasked two boys to go and cut some thick hardsticks. He said every teacher will have to beateach one of us with three strokes. There weremore than 20 teachers there. I could see thatsome were not happy but what could theydo. They all beat us and I lost count how manystrokes rained on me. All I remember is that Icould hardly walk for two days afterwards.The headmaster, at the end of it, turned to allthe students and said, ‘This is what happens tostudents who break our rules.’17-year-old boy(district withheld to protect identity of the child)Part Two Children’s Experiences 17

QUESTION 2Have you experienced physical violence?Physical Violence:Any act or interaction in which theadult aims to inflict physical pain onthe child. 4Figure 2.2 Types of physical violence experienced by children, asper sex of respondentsCaningSlappingChildren talked most readily aboutphysical violence and could offerimmediate examples of how it happenedand how often it happened. Usually, noelaboration or probing questions wererequired to elicit a detailed responseor a story about when they had lastexperienced physical violence.PinchingBurningLocking upTying upOther0MaleFemale20 40 60 80 100% of respondentsEveryone gets a slap or cane here. Sometimesyou even get it twice a day, even from differentpeople.8-year-old boy, KaseseOf the children consulted in this study, 98.3percent reported having experienced physicalviolence, such as caning, slapping, pinching,locking up, or burning. In regard to frequency, 31.1percent of children said they experienced physicalviolence at least once a week, and 15 percentsaid it happened “everyday.” 5 As to where theviolence occurred, 38.8 percent of the childrensaid they experienced physical violence mainly athome; 28.6 percent said mainly at school; and 31.8percent said at school as well as at home.Both girls and boys experienced with comparablefrequency the common forms of physical violence,such as caning and slapping. However, girls tendedto experience more of the subtle forms of physicalviolence, such as pinching or twisting of the ears,while boys (especially older boys) experiencedmore of the extreme forms of physical violence,such as burning, tying up, or severe beatings.While this difference may be an expectedconsequence of gender-based stereotypes, whenexplored in focus group discussions and interviewsmany parents linked it to the issue of bride-price.I do not want to cause scars. Who will paycattle if there are scars all over her body?female, parent, NakapiripiritDisturbingly, more than one in six childrenconsulted through the questionnaire reportedbeing burned deliberately by an adult as a formof punishment. The aim it appeared was to inflictsevere pain and leave a scar that would serve as awarning against repeating the offence. More boysreported being burned as a form of punishmentcompared to girls, possibly due to similar concernsabout scars reducing the bride-price as discussed4This is a working definition and is not meant to be comprehensive.5The term “everyday” should be understood in context. When probed, many children said that “everyday” meant it happened so frequently that it was a regular partof their life.18 Part Two Children’s Experiences

above. This also suggests that burning as a type of punishment may not necessarily be an act of rageperpetrated in a moment of extreme anger, but a calculated form of punishment with a specific aim.Out-of-school children were more likely to be locked up 6 or tied up compared to in-school children, althoughthe latter were more likely to experience other forms of violence than those specifically explored in this study(such as kneeling, slashing grass, and cleaning latrines).Despite the many teachers who repeatedthe “official policy” that they do not beatchildren, 60.4 percent of in-school childrenreported routinely being beaten andhumiliated. Most damaging to children’ssense-of-self were the random and unjustbeatings. For example, the entire classwould be beaten when some childrenwere “making noise” or children would bebeaten for coming late to school because ofexcessive work assigned at home.Figure 2.3 Types of physical violence experienced by in andout of school childrenCaningSlappingPinchingBurningLocking upTying upOut of schoolIn schoolMost children, especially those consultedthrough focus group discussions and20 40 60 80% of respondentsinterviews, tended to expect physicalviolence as a normal part of theirrelationship with adults. In journals, manychildren wrote about experiencing or witnessing physical violence several times a day. Narrative role playsbased on children’s own experiences and depicting children being caned mercilessly regularly elicited anervous laughter of recognition.Other0 100The data indicates that physical violence manifests in a variety of context-specific forms, is rampant and hasbecome normalized. Despite provoking intense feelings in children, as will be discussed later, it continues tooccur with regularity.It [violence] is too much and happens everyday and no-one cares about it.14 year-old boy, Iganga6Although locking up is aimed at instilling fear and isolation, and therefore is a form of emotional violence, it was commonly accompanied by tying upand beating and thus has been analysed in this section.Part Two Children’s Experiences 19

Children’s VoicesHave you experienced physical violence?You see this scar? She burnt my right handwith a red-hot knife, because she sent mefor tomatoes and I delayed to come back.She also burnt my brother’s back with a flatiron and burnt his legs with hot water. Shegave my young brother of 4 years his urine todrink, because he used to wet the bed.16-year-old boy, WakisoI went back home late from school, becausethe teacher kept us late. They beat me forit and told me to go and fetch water as apunishment. I went and still delayed, becausethere were many people at the well. When Ireached home I was beaten again.15-year-old girl, IgangaIf you live with relatives you are beaten all thetime.14-year-old girl, ApacI live in a drunkard’s home [father] who canesme regularly without any reason.15-year-old boy, IgangaThe teacher slapped and kicked me, becauseI was watching my friends solve mathematicsproblems on the blackboard during lunchtimewithout his permission. The teacher wasdrunk.16-year-old boy, NakapiripiritI was over-beaten by my father with a caneuntil I got scars.13-year-old boy, WakisoMy father tied me up and locked me up fortwo days without food, because I ate a pieceof fish that was supposed to be his.13-year-old boy, KaseseI was beaten severely by my stepmother forwetting the bed.12-year-old girl, IgangaImmediately I stepped home, he held me,beat every part of my body and mostly thehead. From that time my eyes started painingup to now. By then I was 10 years, but I havenever forgotten.17-year-old boy, IgangaI forgot to untie goats and I was beaten andmade to sleep outside.9-year-old boy, ApacTeachers beat us badly when we are late, andyet we come from far.10-year-old girl, KaseseA child of 13 was beaten while tied on a tree.16-year-old girl, Apac20 Part Two Children’s Experiences

Children’s VoicesOur neighbour burnt her daughter with hotwater in the back, because she had refused towash dishes. Other neighbours threatened toreport the mother to police if she burnt herdaughter again, but for this particular act shewas not reported.13-year-old boy, WakisoMy father beat me like an animal on everypart of my body while saying that I am a lazyuseless boy.12-year-old boy, IgangaOne day I went to put the cows to graze andone cow got lost. When I returned home,my father beat me almost to death, and Isustained wounds all over my body.17-year-old boy, NakapiripiritOne of our neighbours burnt her 3-month-olddaughter with boiling water.16-year-old girl, WakisoTeachers call students’ buttocks “governmentmeat.”12-year-old boy, WakisoOn the way, sometimes community membersmeet you and slap you over small things.For example, he can say that you have notgreeted him so you are a bad mannered boy.12-year-old boy, KaseseI was accused falsely for stealing money frommy neighbour’s wife, and her husband gaveme seven very painful strokes.13-year-old girl, KaseseSome children are burnt just because ofstealing 50/=.15-year-old girl, WakisoPart Two Children’s Experiences 21

QUESTION 3Have you experienced emotional violence?Emotional Violence:Any act or interaction in which the adultintentionally attacks children’s feelings, withholdsaffection from children, or undermines children’sopinions of themselves, and, as a result, adverselyaffects children’s self-confidence. 7Figure 2.4 Types of emotional violenceexperienced by children, as per sex ofrespondentsShoutingInsultingThreateningOf all the forms of violence reported, childrentalked most emphatically about the impact ofemotional violence. They talked about the rageand intense sense of injustice it provoked withinthem. Many children declared in indignation thatphysical pain would be preferable to a constantassault of threats, insults, and humiliation.GlaringEmbarassingIgnoringDenying love andaffectionOther0MaleFemale20 40 60 80% of respondentsIt is better that he gives me two canes, insteadof letting me sit in fear all the time and bylooking at me with fire in his eyes.12-year-old girl, WakisoOf the children consulted in this study, 98.2 percentreported having experienced emotional violence,such as shouting, insulting, threatening, glaring,or embarrassment. In regard to frequency, 36.5percent of the children reported experiencingemotional violence at least once a week, and 16.7percent said they experienced it “everyday.” 8 Asto where the violence occurred, 42.6 percent of thechildren said they experienced emotional violencemainly at home; 21.2 percent said mainly at school;and 35.5 percent said at home and at school.Acts of omission, such as withholding love andaffection or exclusion from discussions, wereaimed at children who were expected to respondto a subtle form of emotional punishment. Forexample, children with perceived higher status intheir families, such as boys or in-school children,reported being ignored or denied love with higherfrequency. On the other hand, humiliation or actsmeant to provoke intense emotional reactions,such as being publicly berated or locked out of thehouse, were aimed at children who were alreadyseen as a “disappointment.” Thus it appears thatadults choose the emotional punishment theyinflict on the child deliberately based on the levelof injury it was likely to cause to the specific child.Children who had a lower status in their families,such as girls or out-of-school children, reportedbeing shouted at and insulted with higherfrequency. They were also more vulnerable toincidental and random emotional violence andwere more likely to be a scapegoat for no apparent7See note 4.8See note 5.22 Part Two Children’s Experiences

action of their own. In focus group discussions andthrough narrative role plays, young girls and out-ofschoolchildren related stories of how they bore thebrunt of anger or frustration they felt had nothingto do with them.My stepmother abuses me with harsh wordswhen she is angry with my father. “Look at thisprostitute, she is just like her father, useless andlazy.”14-year-old girl, ApacFigure 2.5 Types of emotional violenceexperienced by in and out of schoolchildrenShoutingInsultingThreateningGlaringthe violence when it comes from the people theyexpect it from (i.e., parents or teachers).Emotional violence was closely linked withchildren’s assessment of their self-worth, and manychildren reported a sustained reaction to this formof violence. It severely damaged their sense ofbelonging within their families and their attachmentto the perpetrator of the violence. In discussionsand interviews, memories of emotional violenceevoked profound feelings of loss, and manychildren articulated bitterness and resignation atthe powerlessness of their situation.What is left for me here? No one cares aboutme. They torture me with words, and my heartis sick. It is better that I die than live this way.15-year-old girl, KaseseEmbarassingIgnoringDenying loveand affectionOtherOut of schoolIn school020 40 60 80% of respondentsThe level of injury experienced by children fromemotional violence seemed to depend on who wasinflicting the violence. For example, in focus groupdiscussions, children overwhelmingly identifiedthe stepmother as the main perpetrator, yet whenoptions were presented in questionnaires, the fatherwas reported as the most frequent perpetrator. Thisdiscrepancy suggests that children experience greaterinjury when they feel that the perpetrator has noright to inflict violence on them, and they minimizePart Two Children’s Experiences 23

Children’s VoicesHave you experienced emotional violence?He says I am useless and lazy and ugly. He says I am worthless.9-year-old girl, NakapiripiritParents stare at you and you get scared.16-year-old girl, KaseseFor me, I am violated so much. I am being harassed by my maternal uncles such that even if an oldsick woman tempts me and gives me somewhere to stay I would go with her!18-year-old boy, IgangaMy mother said I am bewitched by a community member and have bones in my stomach.11-year-old girl, IgangaI was locked out and told to go back where I have been.17-year-old girl, KaseseEven when I try to do my best and please my father, he finds fault with me and shouts. I do notknow if he just hates me or what!17-year-old boy, IgangaMy father says to me that I look like a dog.15-year-old boy, KaseseThey say I am so stupid, I can’t even tie my shoe-laces without falling over. I can! It’s not true!8-year-old boy, WakisoThreatening to cut me into pieces with a panga [machete].16-year-old girl, Wakiso24 Part Two Children’s Experiences

Children’s VoicesShe threatens to throw me in the latrine if Idon’t do as she says.8-year-old girl, ApacThere is no peace. She shouts, embarrassesme, and then says she will throw me out if Idon’t do what she says.13-year-old girl, ApacWho am I to eat in his house, he asks. “Youare not even my daughter!”12-year-old girl, KaseseThey jeer and laugh at me because I amcrippled. They hold their nose and say I smellbad.18-year-old girl, ApacI am so tired of him [father] insulting me allthe time. ‘I look that, I smell, my teeth arerotten...’ All the time he keeps laughing at meand says I am stupid.12-year-old boy, KaseseI think words are more painful than a stick.I feel too bad when my mother insults meinfront of everyone.15-year-old girl, NakapiripiritPart Two Children’s Experiences 25

QUESTION 4Have you experienced sexual violence?Sexual Violence:Any act or interaction in which the adult exploits achild’s sexuality for his or her own gratification orbenefit. 9The sensitive topic of sexual violence often onlyemerged in individual interviews, questionnaires,or towards the end of a discussion in which trusthad been established. Children talked with shameand confusion about what was happening to themor someone they knew. They expressed disgust atthe adults who were sexually exploiting childrenand felt a profound betrayal that nothing was beingdone about it.Men in the streets touch my breasts as if it ispublic property. No one says anything. They justlaugh.16-year-old girl, IgangaOf the children consulted in this study, 75.8 percentreported having experienced sexual violence, suchas being touched, given unwanted attention, beingexposed to adults having sex or being sexual,being forced to touch adults in sexual ways, orbeing forced to have sex. 10 In regard to frequency,10.7 percent of the children said they experiencedsexual violence at least once a week, and a further8.3 percent said it happened “everyday.” 11 As towhere the violence occurred, 32.2 percent of thechildren said they experienced sexual violencemainly at home; 24.3 percent said mainly at school;and 34.2 percent said at home and at school.A further 9.3 percent of children said they hadexperienced sexual violence within the community,such as in public spaces on the way to school orhome.Figure 2.6 Types of sexual violence experienced bychildren, as per sex of respondentsTouching youKissing on the mouthSexual HarrasmentExposing themselves to youForcing you to touch themForced sex0 10 20 30 40 50% of respondentsMaleFemaleGenerally, girls experienced sexual violence moreoften than boys. Of the girls, 46.5 percent reportedbeing touched sexually against their will, and asimilar number reported being coerced to kiss anadult or an older boy on the mouth. Alarmingly,20.5 percent of the girls (1 in 5) reported beingforced to have sex. While adults were the primaryperpetrators of this violence, many girls, especiallyschoolgirls, related stories of being harassed andpressured by older boys at school. Clearly, this is anurgent problem that could have major implicationson the psychological as well as the reproductivehealth of girls.Boys too reported a considerable level of sexualviolence. A total of 13.3 percent of the boysreported being forced to have sex, and 27 percentreported being touched sexually against theirwill. A large number of boys (39 percent) claimedto being exposed to adults having sex, althoughwhen this was explored in focus group discussions,9See note 4.10The words “forced sex” were used as opposed to rape, based on comments from the children’s advisory group that the word “rape” would exclude, formany children, coercive sex where the adult did not physically force themselves on the child, but instead subjected the child to intense psychological oreconomical pressure to submit.11See note 5.26 Part Two Children’s Experiences

it emerged that many boys were referring to videoshows or pornographic materials rather than adultsthey knew. Nevertheless, many boys reported beingteased about their sexuality, made subjects oflewd gestures, or often threatened with castrationby older men if they misbehaved or continued toannoy them. There appears to be an oversightaround sexual vulnerability of boys and a furthermore detailed study is needed to understand theextent of the problem.Why is it that they [adults] ignore defilement 12of boys?14-year-old boy, NakapiripiritOut-of-school children demonstrated greatervulnerability to having sexual acts done to them,as opposed to in-school children who were morefrequently forced to do things to others. Forexample, out-of-school children reported withgreater frequency being touched against theirwill or being sexually harassed. In-school childrenreported with greater frequency being forced totouch or kiss on the mouth. This difference may bea consequence of accessibility as well as the cultureof compliance imposed in the school environment.Figure 2.7 Types of sexual violence experienced by inand out of school childrenTouching youKissing on the mouthSexual HarrasmentExposing themselves to youOut of schoolIn schoolFigure 2.8 Types of sexual violence experienced bychildren, as per age of respondents•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• ••••••••••••• ••••• •••••••• • •••••• •••••• •• •• • •••• ••••••••••••••••••• • ••••••••••••••••• • •••••• • ••••••••••••• •••• •••••••••• • • • • • ••••••••••••• • •• • ••••••••••• •• • •••••••••Although older girls (15 to 18 years old) generallyreported with greater frequency sexual violenceagainst them, in all age groups approximately onein six children, (in and out of school) reported beingforced to have sex. This would suggest that forcedsex was an opportunistic act, while other formsof sexual violence were at least partially targetedtowards selected children.Sexual violence is closely linked with children’ssense of safety within their families andcommunities. Children who reported sexualviolence felt betrayed not only by the perpetratorsbut also by the other adults who were supposed toprotect them. They felt unprotected in a way thatseemed distinct from other forms of violence.When a man touches me and nobody saysanything, I feel nobody cares about me orrespects me. I feel so ashamed.15-year-old girl, IgangaForcing you to touch themForced sex0 10 20 30 40 50% of respondents12The word “defilement” has gained common currency in Uganda as a reference to sex with a child, although legally it specifically refers to sex with a girl. Sexwith a boy by an adult is legally treated as an assault.Part Two Children’s Experiences 27

Children’s VoicesHave you experienced sexual violence?My uncle forces me to kiss him on the mouth.12-year-old girl, IgangaMy friend’s father disturbs her [makes sexual advances] at night when her mother travels to the village.13-year-old girl, KaseseI was forced to marry with an old man of over 30 years who had raped me.16-year-old girl, NakapiripiritOur neighbour defiled his 9-year-old child. When he was got, he said, “The mother queen eats her ownants.” The man was 45 years old.14-year-old boy, IgangaWhen my mother asks my father to be quiet at night in bed, he says, “Let him hear! He will have tolearn what he has to do with a woman.”13-year-old boy, ApacA young girl got pregnant and her mother chased her away because she had ashamed them. It iscommon here for girls to get pregnant when they are in school, and their parents mistreat them andchase them away from home.12-year-old boy, WakisoOne of the teachers in my former school wanted to defile my friend. He asked her to take books to hishouse and he takes advantage of her but she escaped. She reported it to the headmaster who ignoredit. He did not take it serious.16-year-old girl, Wakiso28 Part Two Children’s Experiences

Children’s VoicesRelatives, especially the males, make love affairs with girls in homes and when they make thempregnant they deny or take them for abortions and sometimes the girls die.13-year-old boy, ApacEveryone thinks it is common to have your buttocks pinched. “What’s the problem,” a man can ask.“Don’t you like it?”16-year-old girl, IgangaA teacher defiled a girl in our school and the parents refused to take him to court. They just accepted700,000/= he paid them. Nothing happened to the teacher.12-year-old boy, WakisoThere is a woman who gives a boy money to let her touch him and to make him do things to her.13-year-old boy, IgangaSome girls are asked by their parents, “What will we eat today?”14-year-old girl, ApacA young girl was taken forcefully by a man of 30 years old from her father’s house. He paid the cattleand got his friends to help him carry the screaming girl. It is common here.16-year-old boy, NakapiripiritThey touch my breasts, my buttocks, anything! These boda-boda [scooter] men are too much. Someoneshould do something.16-year-old girl, IgangaYou cannot walk through the market without a man touching you. He squeezes your breasts as if heowns them.15-year-old girl, ApacPart Two Children’s Experiences 29

QUESTION 5Have you experienced economic violence?Economic Violence:Any act or interaction in which the adultintentionally and unjustly withholds from thechild access to family resources or coerces thechild to contribute labour or resources that are,by any reasonable standards, excessive. 13Children reported contributing an enormousamount of labour to their families, yet having littleaccess to the family’s resources and virtually no sayregarding the expenditure of the family’s wealth.Many orphaned children reported being leftdestitute and at the mercy of relatives.My father died, and my uncle took over hisshop. Now he refuses to pay my school fees. Iam now living with my grandmother who hasnothing and is encouraging me to drop out ofschool and find a job.13-year-old boy, Kaseseviolence at least once a week, and 19.3 percentsaid they experienced it “everyday.” 14As to where the violence occurred, 75.3 percentsaid they experienced economic violence mainly athome; 9.3 percent said mainly at school; and 15.3percent said at home and at school.Boys and older children reported a much higherfrequency of experiencing economic violence: 61.2percent of 15 to 18 years old children reportedbeing assigned excessive physical work comparedto 39.2 percent of 8 to 14 years old children. Thisdifference may derive from an explicit decision byadults regarding physical ability, but it may alsoreflect a growing expectation of many adults thatolder children should make a larger economiccontribution to the family.Of the children consulted in this study, 74.4 percentreported having experienced economic violence,such as being denied school fees or money forschool related needs, assigned excessive work,made to work for basic needs, denied moneyfor health care, or denied food as a form ofpunishment. In regard to frequency, 29.9 percentof the children reported experiencing economicFigure 2.9 Types of economic violence experienced bychildren, as per sex of respondentsDenying foodOver workNot providing school feesMaking you work for basic needsNot providing money for healthcareOther0 10 20 30 40 50 60% of respondentsMaleFemaleARE CHILDREN ASSETS?Many children related stories about how theirparents saw them as an economic asset rather thanan individual. Indeed many adults talked aboutchildren being an “investment.” They expectedthe boys to provide for them in the future and girlsto contribute to the family’s wealth through “bride-13See note 4.14See note 5.130Part Two Children’s exprience Experiences of violence

Figure 2.10 Types of economic violence experienced bychildren, as per age of respondentsDenying foodOver workNot providingfees/uniformMaking you workfor basic needsNot providingmoney for health careOtherOf out-school-children consulted in this study, 74.8percent said they dropped out of school primarilybecause they had been denied school fees; 32.9percent of the same group reported that theyhad been denied food as a form of punishment.These two findings may suggest that droppingout of school is a multi-causal event (not just pooracademic performance), since falling out of favourso explicitly must have complex antecedents. Thisappears to be corroborated by manyadults who claimed that their willingnessto support a child or pay school relatedcosts was dependent on their overallapproval of the child. If they deemedthe child unworthy, they would withdrawthis support.15-18 years8-14 years0 20 4060 80% of respondentswater for household use is fetched by children.Children’s reports suggest that adults discount thiseconomic contribution.Furthermore, adults commonly expect children towake up early to begin their duties before schooland to continue working when they return until lateat night. Schoolchildren’s reports reveal the stressthis workload created for them, causing them tofeel exhausted and hungry in the classroom andto fall asleep during lessons. Reports of stress andexhaustion at school worsened for children whoseparents could not afford the monthly charge for theschool’s lunch. These children reported not eatingfrom early in the morning until late in the evening,likely feeding into a cycle of underperformance.I wake up early and have to sweep and thenfetch water and cook porridge for everyone.Then when I come from school, I have to washclothes, pound cassava, cook supper, andwash plates. I am so tired by the time I go tosleep. There is little time to study.13-year-old girl, WakisoFigure 2.11 Types of economic violence experienced by in and out ofschool childrenDenying foodOver workMost children in Uganda contribute asubstantial amount of labour to theirfamilies and schools. Many children, asyoung as 5 or 6 years old, take care oftheir younger siblings, and most of theNot providing school feesMaking you work for basic needsNot providing money for healthcareOther0 20 40 60 80% of RespondentsOut of schoolIn schoolprice.” In the meantime, throughout childhood,many children were expected to contribute aconsiderable amount of labour to earn theirbasic upkeep. While it could be cogently arguedthat children should contribute to their familiesaccording to their ability, is it in a child’s bestinterests to be seen primarily as an asset ratherthan as an individual?Part Here Part Children’s Two Part Children’s exprience Here Section Experiences of violence Title 16 312

Children’s VoicesHave you experienced economic violence?I was made to carry 10 basins of sand fromtwo kilometres away for building a latrine, as apunishment in school.12-year-old boy, KaseseMy experience is that from 12 years I was toldto pay for myself. When a child is 14 years he isasked to build his own hut and fend for himself.15-year-old boy, ApacI should make 120 bricks over the weekend 60on Saturday and 60 on Sunday and after that Ihave to go and fetch water. It is too much.15-year-old girl, KaseseI am forced to pound cassava for food at home,as well as put the cows to graze after school,fetch water for cooking, and yet my parents areseated, so I wonder why.15-year-old girl, IgangaI carry six bunches of bananas to the market byforce. I ferry one at a time and sell. When I bringthe money home to my mother and ask for200/= to buy kerosene to put in a lamp to readmy books, my mother abuses me and refuses.17-year-old boy, KaseseI am given hard labour everyday. I dig everydayfor my uncle and he does not pay me, yet hesells the produce and I do not know where allthe money goes, and he does not even buy forme a shirt.15-year-old boy, ApacMy stepmother gives me hard work likefetching water, collecting rubbish from thegarden in holidays. At school I feel I am restingmore.11-year-old girl, NakapiripiritWhen my parents died my uncle took over theirbusiness and I went to live with him. He refusedto take me to school and beat me all the time.Sometimes he chased me away from home, andhe really mistreated me.16-year-old boy, ApacThe school management sends us every day tofetch firewood in a distance of two kilometres.13-year-old girl, IgangaI was forced to fetch 10 20-liter jerry cans ofwater in one day.12-year-old girl, Nakapiripirt32 Part Two Children’s Experiences

Children’s VoicesI was working for money, got 2500/= andbought a hen. It laid eggs and hatched 12chicks. Later I exchanged these chicks for agoat. When my father fell sick, my mother soldmy goat without talking to me. I had gone toschool, when I returned in the evening I found itgone. I have never forgiven her.16-year-old boy, IgangaI dig for people in their gardens and each timeI dig they give me 200/=, and I use this moneyto buy books and pens because my father madeit very clear that his duty is to pay school feesand its upon me to work and get the otherrequirements.12-year-old boy, IgangaSometimes I do a lot of work. I dig every daybefore coming to school. When I go back homeafter school, I fetch water, collect firewood, andsometimes go back in the garden to dig.13-year-old girl, ApacI never have lunch. My aunt cannot allow me topack lunch, yet porridge that is served at schoolis for children who have paid for it. I never getmoney to pay.13-year-old girl, IgangaMy father abuses my mother that she is wastingmoney when she pays school fees for me,arguing that he did not go to school but he isalive and can afford to drink everyday.12-year-old boy, WakisoOne man arrested me for fishing young fish,yet nets that had young fish were not mine. Ipleaded but he took me to Kasese prison, andI spent there two nights just in July 2004. Thenmy parents came and bailed me out. But I hada nightmare in the cells with another boy. Weslept on cold cement and fell sick, till now I feelbitter about that.14-year-old boy, KaseseThey give a lot of work to do everyday, and mymother just sits or goes to drink then comesback and beats me if all the work is not done.15-year-old girl, NakapiripiritI work all day but no one even notices. It is likeI am a donkey to them.14-year-old boy, ApacPart Two Children’s Experiences 33

QUESTION 6Who commits violence against you?Children reported that a wide range of adultscommitted violence against them. They feltvulnerable in the presence of adults, becausethe violence could manifest at any time and fromany adult. Most of the time, children would beexpected to tolerate the violence and would beconsidered impertinent if they tried to respond inany way other than submission.Any big person can punish you, even if you aredoing nothing wrong. There is nothing you cando about it.8-year-old boy, ApacAT HOMEAt home, girls were most vulnerable to violencefrom relatives. For older girls, this often meantsexual violence, while younger girls mostlydescribed emotional violence. Girls were almosttwice as likely as boys to experience violence fromothers beyond the family, such as neighbours,community leaders, and strangers.Girls reported comparable amounts of violencefrom stepmother, mother, and father. However,boys, particularly older out-of-school boys, namedtheir father as the person who committed the mostviolence against them.As a group, schoolchildren reported the highestlevel of violation from relatives and were more thantwice as likely to be violated by others beyondthe family. These numbers could suggest that theschool system cultivates submission in children.AT SCHOOLOlder children and teachers were the mostcommonly cited perpetrators of violence atFigure 2.12 Persons who commit violence against children at home, by sexof respondentsFatherMotherStepfatherStepmotherRelativesMaleFemaleBrotherSisterOther (aunt, uncle)0 10 2030 4050% of respondents34 Part Two Children’s Experiences

school. Many older children seemed to mimic thebehaviour of adults, and, as a result, victimizedyounger children. Bullying was reported as a majorproblem, especially by girls and younger children.Figure 2.13 Persons who commit violence againstchildren at school, by sex of respondentsOlder childrenWhen children grow up they keep what wasdone to them in mind and in the end they alsodo the same to those younger than them,especially at school. Some people becomementally disturbed.TeacherHeadmasterOther (matron, c ook)020 40 60% of respondentsMaleFemale8014-year-old boy, WakisoBoys and older children reported teachers as the most likely perpetrators of violence. Many older boysreported that male teachers appeared to be targeting them, often humiliating them. When these statementswere explored in discussions and interviews, many boys claimed that the male teachers were competingfor the attention of older girls. It is also likely that teachers feel reluctant to beat older boys due to fear ofretaliation and thus resort to an alternative that exploits their positions of power.He [teacher] punished me with five strokes in front of the whole class and then sentenced me to fill afive-litre jerry can with water from the well, with a 100 millilitre test tube. It took me more than 50 tripsto the well! All of this because he thought I was too friendly with the girl he likes. Everyone calls methe “test tube boy” now.17-year-old boy, IgangaFigure 2.14 Persons who commit violence against children at school,by age of respodentsOlder childrenTeacherHeadmaster15-18 years8-14 yearsOther (matron, cooks)020406080% of respondentsPart Two Children’s Experiences 35

Children’s VoicesKey Informant InterviewA young person with a disabilityQ: How did you come to be here at this boarding school?A: I was brought here from my village by the priest, and I started staying with the nuns because athome no one was taking care of me, and I was denied education, and yet all the other normalchildren were taken to school [cries while speaking]. I came here, that was June 1995, then I startedschooling in P1 [Primary one].Q: Why were they not taking care of you at home?A: I don’t know. Maybe they think I am useless.Q: What kind of violence did you experience as a child who has a disability?A: I underwent so many problems. For example, when I excreted near the home, I would be thoroughlybeaten. All people would leave me home alone with no one to help me with even water to drink. Mystepfather would abuse my crippledness saying, “You are crippled, am I the one who crippled you?”My stepfather would hurl many abuses over me and my crippledness, and when he would buysomething good like fish or meat and people are eating, I would not be given. For example, oneday my stepfather bought fish and my other sisters cooked, and while I was still eating beans, hestarted beating me, without any fault, saying to me that my father died without feeding any of hischildren. He collected millet from the compound into a big saucepan, placed it on my head, then thesaucepan fell down and I also fell down, then he continued to beat me until blood started flowingfrom my head. My mother came back and went to the local council leader, and they said he shouldbe imprisoned, but he asked for forgiveness saying he did it because he was drunk, yet he used tobeat me daily. Then he was told to take me to hospital, which he did twice and stopped even beforethe wound healed. From then on whenever I would see him I would crawl to the bush near home, andwhen he goes away or sleeps in the night my mother would come and carry me and bring me in thehouse.36 Part Two Children’s Experiences

Children’s VoicesMy elder sisters and brothers who were normal would abuse me and refuse to bathe me. They onlyused to call me the “lame one who is crippled and cannot walk.” The final blow was when someonehad set the grass-thatched house on fire while I was sleeping inside. One of the neighbours came andbraved the fire and carried me out of the house, and after that I was brought to the mission whereI started studying up to P7 in 2002, and now am a store keeper with the school, and I do not misshome because here I am loved and taken care of.Q: How did you feel when all the violence was committed against you?A: I felt bad. I felt like committing suicide. In fact one day I tried suicide on a tree but failed as I couldnot climb high enough on the tree.Q: What thoughts do you have about the way the community treats children with disabilities?A: The normal people in the community take crippled people as useless. For example in our village therewas a lame child who was dumb as well, and she was mistreated, denied food until she died. Thesechildren are thoroughly beaten with big sticks or even thrown away into the bush because they wantyou to die. I personally was thrown away into a sisal plantation and then my brother came back fromschool and carried me back home. People should stop this kind of violence against disabled childrenso that they do not suffer, because we were also born by blood like the other children.18-year-old girl, ApacPart Two Children’s Experiences 37

QUESTION 7How do you feel when violence is committed against you?Children’s response to this question was overwhelming. The question elicited powerful and animatedresponses and revealed reactions to violence that spanned a broad spectrum of emotions including fury, rage,bitterness and resignation. Many children felt that adults did not give due weight to the depth of their feelingsand felt frustrated by how seldom anyone would understand their reaction. Most of the time, children seemedunresolved about what to do with their feelings.I feel like my heart will explode if I start saying how I feel about her. She treats me worse than ananimal and there is nothing I can do about it. I feel like running away and becoming a prostitute.14-year-old girl, KaseseMost children (66.7 percent) reported feeling “anger.” In focus group discussions, many children talked aboutfeeling indignation followed by despair regarding the powerless situation in which they found themselves.Children often reported that they did not understand or accept the logic of the punishment, that adultsignored their pleas to be taken seriously, to engage in a dialogue, or to receive an explanation as to why theywere being treated in that manner. Many children learned from such transactions that a person with morepower does not have to be accountable.The second most common response (65.9 percent) was “fear.” Many children reported that they lived inperpetual fear of the adults around them. They learned that fearing adults was the safest way of avoidingviolence, and, as a result, theycreated relationships of complianceand obedience rather than mutualaffection. A higher percentageof older and in-school childrenreported fearing adults aroundthem, compared to their youngerand out-of-school counterparts. Thisdifference could suggest that adultsuse fear as a tool for asserting theirauthority, especially in schools orin situations where they feel theircontrol over children could beundermined.Figure 2.15 Types of feelings children have when experiencingviolenceAngry at the personScared of the personAshamed of myselfWant to take revengeOther (ignore, forgive)Don’t know0 2040 6080% of respondents38 Part Two Children’s Experiences

The third most common response (56.6 percent) was“feeling ashamed of oneself.” This shame translated mostcommonly into a withdrawn demeanour, intense shyness,or lack of self-esteem. Girls (60.3 percent) and out-ofschoolchildren (65.3 percent) reported feeling ashamedin higher proportion to their counterparts. This could be aconsequence of the generally marginalized positions boththese groups of children occupy within their communitiesand within their families, thus being particularly vulnerableto internalising blame for what happens to them.More than one third of the children (36 percent) harbouredfantasies of revenge, as they grappled with what to dowith their feelings. They often acted out these fantasies onyounger children, and, accordingly, many younger childrenreported being victimized by older children.Disturbingly, a significant proportion of children,particularly orphans and those living with a stepparent,revealed transitional thoughts of committing suicide.Sometimes I think about joining my parents inparadise where they are waiting for me. What is leftfor me here?16-year-old boy, IgangaWhen these thoughts of suicide were explored in focusgroup discussions, many times children revealed that thiswas the only act they had control over that might getadults to pay attention to their concerns.If they come to bury me, at least they will have toask why I had to die.14-year-old girl, NakapiripiritPart Two Children’s Experiences 39

Children’s VoicesHow do you feel when violence is committed against you?I feel like my heart is paining.12-year-old boy, KaseseI feel threatened and feel like I am in jail not school.18-year-old boy, WakisoI feel like growing up quickly so that I can revenge.15-year-old boy, NakapiripiritI feel like going to hang myself.16-year-old girl, NakapiripiritSometimes when I do not have the strength to fightback I just hate the person.13-year-old girl, NakapiripiritI get regrets why I was born.13-year-old girl, ApacI feel like going in the middle of the road to becrushed by a car.10-year-old boy, IgangaI feel like taking poison.15-year-old girl, WakisoI feel bad but I have no options.13-year-old boy, ApacI feel like I am useless.16-year-old girl, ApacI feel like dying and joining my late parents.14-year-old boy, IgangaI get very worried. I have attempted to kill myself. Iswallowed a watch cell and did not die.9-year-old boy, ApacI feel like revenging, but I do not because theseparents are big. I can do nothing.12-year-old boy, ApacI feel like killing that person. I want to getmurdering lessons from murderers.16-year-old boy, KaseseI wish I were a baby again, just suckling the breastwith no problems in this world.12-year-old girl, KaseseI feel like revenging.17-year-old girl, NakapiripiritI feel like cutting up the person with a machete.15-year-old girl, ApacI feel too much anger. I just sleep and cry.9-year-old boy, KaseseI become very irritated, angry. I feel like takingpoison.14-year-old girl, Iganga40 Part Two Children’s Experiences

Children’s VoicesFeel like joining the army so that when I come backwith a gun I can make them pay.15-year-old boy, ApacI feel like revenging or killing him, but feelpowerless.16-year-old girl, NakapiripiritI feel so bad and think that my brothers who diedhave rested. I joined the army to put my mindat rest at 15 years, but again there was a lot ofbeating and I came back home. Sometimes I feel likedying.17-year-old boy, ApacI feel like committing suicide.13-year-old boy, KaseseI feel like it’s a mistake for me to have been born.8-year-old boy, IgangaI feel like burning them in the house or getting aspear and stabbing them to death.16-year-old boy, NakapiripiritWhen I over think, it reached to a point of madness,but what has helped is being born again Christian.Otherwise I would be mad.15-year-old girl, WakisoI feel like doing anything so I can go to prison andhave peace there or suffer in the hands of thestrangers.17-year-old boy, ApacI feel miserable.9-year-old girl, ApacI feel sad and depressed.14-year-old girl, WakisoI feel my heart is about to burst.16-year-old girl, WakisoFeeling of frustration, hopelessness, but what to do.14-year-old boy, IgangaI feel so much angry that I would die.13-year-old girl, NakapiripiritI wish I could be a big person and not suffer.12-year-old boy, ApacI feel like committing suicide.13-year-old girl, NakapiripiritI wonder if there is any one who suffers like me.12-year-old girl, KaseseI feel my heart is swollen.15-year-old girl, KaseseYou regret why you were born and realize that yourlife is very hard and you are unlucky.10-year-old boy, WakisoPart Two Children’s Experiences 41

Children’s VoicesYou feel ashamed.12-year-old boy, IgangaI feel like committing suicide.15-year-old girl, KaseseI feel so worried and so lonely.13-year-old girl, WakisoI get so annoyed and feel if any boy just comes topropose to me I will just go and be married to him.16-year-old girl, ApacI feel very angry but do nothing about it, becausethey are stronger than me and older.13-year-old girl, KaseseIt’s like a curse.17-year-old girl, ApacI just say that “oh, it’s because I am a child that’swhy they are beating me and I have nothing to do.”12-year-old girl, KaseseI feel like getting a gun and I shoot the person, but Idon’t have the capacity of getting one.15-year-old boy, KaseseIt’s unfair, but I do not want any revenge for myaunt, because she is the only one caring about me.13-year-old girl, KaseseI feel like hiding away from my friends.14-year-old girl, ApacI feel embarrassed that my friends are going tolaugh at me.12-year-old boy, WakisoI always forgive those who beat me, because theBible instructs me to forgive whoever offends me.13-year-old girl, KaseseI feel like revenging, but I see that if I do that I willloose the chance of staying with him even though hedoes not take care of me very well.15-year-old boy, KaseseI feel very sad and ashamed especially when I seemy friends going to school and am just digging allthe time. Sometimes I hide from them so that theycan think that maybe I also once in a while go toschool. This hurts me a lot, because tomorrow thesevery people I am growing up with will be driving andcall me to wash their cars, simply because my fatherhas refused to give me school fees. God will pay himone day, because he has money but he says that healso never went to school.17-year-old boy, IgangaI feel pain but accept it, because my father istraining me to become a strong man and one whocan look after myself even when he is dead, so Iforgive my father.12-year-old boy, KaseseI justify the violence for the home people, but thosewho stop me on the way, I feel they have some badheart towards me and it is unfair.18-year-old girl, Apac42 Part Two Children’s Experiences

Children’s VoicesI feel like leaving home and staying with anyonewho cares about children.18-year-old girl, NakapiripiritI feel like going to become somebody’s housegirl.15-year-old girl, KaseseI keep the anger in heart against the offender, but Ido not tell the person.15-year-old girl, NakapiripiritI feel very bad when people go unpunished, like thefather who raped his daughter was not punished yethe is also a teacher.16-year-old girl, WakisoI go into deep thoughts of regret as to why I wasnot born somewhere else and could still go toschool. I feel desperate and wonder where myparents expect me to get money when they refuseto provide for me.14-year-old boy, IgangaI feel like maybe God does not like me.14-year-old boy, WakisoI feel like I will revenge when I finish my education.I will go and stay somewhere then come back homelater and ask them about the bad things they usedto do to me, then start helping them and tell themnever to do such things to their children.15-year-old boy, NakapiripiritI feel like killing myself all the time and amdisturbed, worried with a lot of thoughts.17-year-old girl, IgangaI feel like the person who has hurt me should diethat very moment.15-year-old girl, KaseseI cry a lot when I am beaten. I normally forget andforgive, because I love my parents and sometimesthey beat me with a reason, when I have committeda mistake.11-year-old girl, ApacI do not feel like revenge. I am just resigned to myfate, because I have to obey my parents and I havenowhere to go.17-year-old boy, KaseseI got so hopeless and helpless and tried to commitsuicide.15-year-old girl, KaseseI feel like escaping and going to another place.15-year-old boy, NakapiripiritI feel as if instead of insulting and shouting at meyou would rather beat me.14-year-old boy, WakisoYou feel like you are taken as a slave.16-year-old boy, IgangaI feel that people do not love me.12-year-old girl, ApacPart Two Children’s Experiences 43

QUESTION 8What do you do when violence is committed against you?This question revealed the resourcefulness ofmany children and how they actively tried tofind a solution to their situation. While manychildren expressed despair that adults did nottake their concerns seriously, they often took theresponsibility of becoming protagonists for theirown causes.If you don’t try to do something, you can endup just suffering without end!15-year-old girl, WakisoOf the children consulted in this study, 62.3 percentsaid they would try to find someone that theytrusted for help, although in discussions they oftenfelt that this would only produce a short-termsolution. In comparison, 54.7 percent said theywould cry and hide so that at least they wouldattract attention and deflect further immediatepain; and 42.5 percent said that in serious casesthey would runaway for a short or prolongedperiod of time, to stay at a relative’s house andtemporarily diffuse the situation. Only 20.7 percentof the children said they would do nothing.Girls reported with higher frequency that theywould cry and hide, while a greater number ofboys would go to someone for help. Youngerchildren and in-school children reported withhigher frequency that they would do nothing. Thisdifference suggests that the more dependent achild is on the perpetrator, the less likely they areto seek help.Children, in large numbers, still preferred andsought the protection of their parents. Whenasked whom they would turn to for help, 56.9percent named the other parent; 50.6 percent saidFigure 2.16 Actions of children when they experience violenceAsk for helpCry and hideRunawayNothing0 20 40 60 80% of respondents44 Part Two Children’s Experiences

they would turn to their neighbour; and48.9 percent said they would approacha teacher. Children reported that theywould approach a local council memberonly in what they viewed as a serioussituation needing official intervention.This pattern suggests that many childrenare reluctant to approach an outsider or apublic official for help, because they fearthat it would exacerbate the situation.When girls and younger childrenexperienced violence, they tended torely more on teachers (at school) and theother parent (at home) for help. Whileboys and older children were more likelyto approach neighbours and local councilmembers. This difference suggeststhat girls generally hope for an internalsolution, while boys are more likely toapproach external persons for help if thesituation deteriorates sufficiently.Many children continued to believe and hope that an adult would help them. However, they also believed thatany intervention would likely offer only a short-term solution. Children knew that many adults were unwillingto confront another adult on their behalf, even if a clear act of violence had been committed. The burden ofproving the injustice they experienced would still rest on them.People just listen to you and then say to stay away from him [perpetrator] until he cools down. Somemight offer you food or allow you to stay for a while but then you have to go back.13-year-old boy, KasesePart Two Children’s Experiences 45

Children’s VoicesWhat do you do when violence is committed against you?I just keep quiet so that they can feel ashamedof what they have done.12-year-old girl, NakapiripiritI run to my mother.13-year-old girl, WakisoI go to my grandmother for help or just staythere until things cool down.15-year-old, boy NakapiripiritI run to our neighbour who is also my auntie.13-year-old boy, ApacI hide and pray to God to forgive that personwho has beaten me.15-year-old girl, KaseseDo nothing at all because there is no solution.10-year-old boy, IgangaI beat any child who is passing by.14-year-old boy, WakisoWhen they deny me food, I steal it.13-year-old girl, KaseseI do not turn to anyone I just run to the street.12-year-old girl, KaseseI would not run to anyone, because if I did, thatwould get more problems at home. Instead, Ijust protect myself from what is raining on mewhile screaming.13-year-old girl, ApacI don’t settle when I think they are going tobeat me. I just be as if I do not have life andquake with fear a lot.12-year-old boy, KaseseI try as much as possible to tolerate it. I havenowhere to run to, otherwise I would have runaway. I do not tell anyone, because the peopleI tell might spread it around that that’s how myparents treat me, and I do not want others toknow this.12-year-old boy, WakisoAfter crying, I just keep quiet and just bear it,waiting for when I will grow up and leave home.14-year-old girl, WakisoI just pray, because when I go and tell anyonewhat has happened it is like the situationworsens.16-year-old girl, ApacI cry loudly so everyone will notice what ishappening.15-year-old girl, Iganga46 Part Two Children’s Experiences

What kind of relationships do we want to create with children?Many children reported fearing the adults aroundthem. Their level of anxiety increased in thepresence of adults, and many of them became shyand unable to express themselves. They felt thatadults were not willing to listen to their concernsand that adults saw children as needing to becontrolled rather than understood. They did notexpect fairness, onlycritical judgment,regarding theirshortcomings. Throughnarrative role playsas well as journals,children describedfeeling vulnerablewhen an adultinteracted with them,expecting the adult toembarrass or humiliatethem. These childrencraved a different kindof relationship, withina context of love andaffection, rather thanfear and shame.When adults were asked what kind of arelationship they wanted to create with children,their overriding concern appeared to be theirresponsibility to guide children on how to behaveand create a value system that reflected thetraditions of their community. Despite contraryexperience, many persisted in believing thatfear and shame were the most potent tools forachieving this and that it was in the best interestsof children to be subjected to this form of disciplineto create cohesive communities.Clearly, adults as a group do not persist in thisbelief because they harbour animosity or hatredtowards children. Most adults are trying toconstruct a relationshipwith children within thebelief that by assertingtheir power over children,they are acting in theinterest of the child.Yet in this study it alsobecame clear that thereis a crisis of confidencein this approach. Onlya third of the adults, forexample, believe thatbeating children actuallychanges their behaviour(see page 80). Manyadults recognized thatassociating fear andshame with an act does not teach the child whatis wrong with the act and hence help them grow,but merely creates fearful and shamed childrenwho repress their true nature to survive. Is thatour intention? Is that what we as a community areembarked on?I wish he would listen to me before beating meall the time. A small mistake - slap! Laugh tooloud - a cane! Many times I don’t even knowwhy he is beating me.14-year-old girl, WakisoPart Two Children’s Experiences 47

QUESTION 9What, if anything, should be done about violenceagainst children?Children found themselves in a dilemma when thisquestion was discussed. On the one hand, theywanted the violence to stop, yet they also knewthat the adult might respond to an intervention bybecoming entrenched in their anger. There was agenuine fear of reprisal, since they had to live withthese adults or see them at school the followingday.In response to the question, “What should bedone?” most children preferred non-punitiveinterventions. Although children often proposedFigure 2.17 Children’s opinion on whethersomething should be done15.2%Nothing should be doneIf I say something to anyone, he will say, “Golet him keep you!” He may even start beatingme more.10-year-old girl, Apac11.5%Nothing because itwill make it worse3.3%Don’t know70%Somethingshoud be doneWhen asked broadly, “Should something bedone,” 70 percent of children said somethingshould be done; 15.2 percent said nothing shouldbe done; and 11.5 percent said nothing shouldbe done because it would make things worse forchildren. When this last statement was explored,many children related stories of how the violencegot worse when other adults approached theissue insensitively. It is likely that these children,who were usually dependent on the perpetrator,were making a delicate calculation regarding thepotentially positive outcomes and the potentiallyadverse economic or emotional consequencesof an intervention. When the question was askedmore specifically with options attached (i.e., “Whatshould be done...”) more than 98 percent ofchildren chose an option that indicated their desirefor action.that legislation or local council bylaws be putin place, when this idea was further explored, itappeared that many children hoped these lawswould act as a deterrent and that no actual arrestsor prosecutions would be necessary.Figure 2.18 Children’s ideas for action to betaken when adults mistreatchildren,by sex of respon-Talk to parents about children’s rightsTalk to teachers about children’s rightsHave a place to help chldrenPolice should arrest adultsI don’t knowNothingOtherMaleFamales0 20 40 60 80 100% of respondents48 Part Two Children’s Experiences

Children’s suggestions focused on raisingawareness of children’s rights 15 and increasingsupport for children: 79.4 percent of the childrensaid other adults should talk to parents aboutchildren’s rights; 73.9 percent said teachers shouldbe sensitised to understand children’s rights; 73.5percent said that communities needed places thatresponded to children’s needs and assisted themwhen they reported violence. A comparativelylower percentage of children suggestedintervention by the police (56.9 percent).Girls preferred the options of sensitising teachersand developing community-based responses,with slightly higher frequency than boys. BoysFigure 2.19 Children’s ideas for action to be taken whenadults mistreat children, by age of respondentsTalk to parents aboutchildren’s rightsHave a place tohelp ChildrenTalk to teachersabout children’s rightsPolice shouldarrest adultsI don’t knowNothingOthersuggested police intervention with slightly higherfrequency than girls. This difference could berelated to the finding that boys experienced moresevere forms of physical violence compared togirls.Older children suggested more frequently thatteachers and parents should be engaged in adialogue, while younger children proposed morefrequently that there should be local responsemechanisms in place. This difference wouldsuggest that older children were less hopeful ofany response mechanism actually resolving theissue to their satisfaction. In discussions, manyolder children expressed doubt about whetheran adult would side with them againstanother adult.15-18 years8-14 yearsMost children urged caution andsensitivity when addressing cases ofviolence against children. Beyondreprisal, they also feared losing theirteacher’s approval or their parent’slove and affection. They emphasizedthe need for broader communityawareness-raising approaches thataddressed the attitudes of adultstowards children, rather than singlingout individuals for punitive action.0 20 40 60 80 100% of respondents15When this concept was explored it appeared that most children were using the words “children’s rights” to imply that they should be treated better and with morerespect. They were not referring to a specific right.Part Two Children’s Experiences 49

Children’s VoicesWhat, if anything, should be done about violence againstchildren?The government should teach parents how to treatchildren.12-year-old girl, KaseseThere should be by-laws to handle those whoviolate children.13-year-old girl, ApacParents should handle children well and should talkto children when they do something wrong insteadof beating them.17-year-old girl, NakapiripiritNot all parents are bad and not all parents aregood. Some are bad because they don’t know aboutchildren’s rights.15-year-old boy, NakapiripiritCounselling for both children and parents should bedone by grandparents or clan members.15-year-old boy, ApacSensitize the leaders such as LCs, teachers, parents,and students on how to handle children.11-year-old girl, WakisoGovernment should pass a strict law to make sureparents don’t mistreat children.15-year-old girl, NakapiripiritCounselling services be made available.15-year-old girl, IgangaChildren should not be overloaded with hard work.14-year-old girl, KaseseParents should stop forcing young girls frommarrying, because some of them end up committingsuicide.13-year-old girl, NakapiripiritLocal councils should come up with strict laws onhow the children should be treated by adults.16-year-old girl, IgangaPeople should turn to God.15-year-old boy, KaseseCarry out campaigns against child abuse.16-year-old girl, WakisoGovernment should develop policies that protectchildren. If a drunken teacher punishes children, heshould also be punished.13-year-old boy, NakapiripiritChildren should be taken to boarding schools tohelp them survive the daily violence at home,because sometimes at home you are punished fornothing. At least there is no burning at school.12-year-old girl, Nakapiripirit50 Part Two Children’s Experiences

Children’s VoicesThe government should not employ corruptofficials, because they would take bribes and let theperpetrators free.17-year-old boy, IgangaThe government should know about the existence ofall schools and find out whether the children’s rightsare protected. For example, some teachers only careabout making money and treating the children theway they want.13-year-old boy, WakisoGovernment should advise those who mistreatchildren.8-year-old girl, ApacGovernment should set laws against those whobreak children’s rights.12-year-old girl, ApacEstablish village level councils to attend to children’srights.9-year-old boy, WakisoTeachers should organize a day and call parents andsensitize them on children’s rights.13-year-old boy, IgangaCommunity should also be responsible for thedevelopment of children in their area.15-year-old girl, WakisoGovernment should get ways of helping abusiveparents.12-year-old boy, IgangaThey should guide teachers to give only 2 strokes,not 40.13-year-old girl, KaseseWe should be put in boarding schools or liveelsewhere so that we are not at home.9-year-old boy, ApacThe perpetrators of child violence should beimprisoned and have the same acts done on them sothey feel how it hurts.18-year-old boy, KaseseThe local councils should be involved in advisingparents not to cause pain or violence against theirchildren.12-year-old girl, NakapiripiritThe teachers should be advised to stop beatingthe child before they have told you what is in theirheart.12-year-old girl, KaseseParents who torture and burn their children shouldbe arrested.12-year-old boy KasesePart Two Children’s Experiences 51

Children’s VoicesSensitize elders and parents on how to guidechildren and help them to do the right thingswithout beating or hurting children.13-year-old girl, WakisoAdvise children to report people who do bad thingsto them other than keeping quiet, and also teachchildren to report their fellow children who do badthings to them to elders so that they do not fightone another.13-year-old boy WakisoChildren should study and learn their parents’characters and moods in order to tell whether theparents are annoyed or not and react to what theparents want immediately and escape beatings orfalling into trouble.15-year-old boy, KaseseThe government should teach people how to protectchildren’s rights, like buying for them clothes andeducating them.15-year-old girl, KaseseCounsellors should be invited regularly to schools tocounsel and guide children so that children can knowhow to prevent violence against them and grow upas people.13-year-old boy, WakisoTake photos of bad acts that happen to childrenand those who do them to the children, and advisechildren how to avoid falling victims of such acts.Take them round in different schools to makechildren aware that those acts are wrong and shouldnot be done to them.13-year-old girl, WakisoThe local leaders should intervene in families andschools and warn those that do such acts.14-year-old boy, WakisoParents should be sensitised by government on howto live happily with children with out torturing them.18-year-old boy, NakapiripiritChildren should be given their respect and rights andnot treated like animals.15-year-old boy, NakapiripiritThey should fine parents and guardians who mistreatchildren.15-year-old girl, KaseseLocal councillors should talk to parents about theway of treating children and also force able parentswith money to pay their children’s school fees – likemy father.17-year-old boy, IgangaElders from the clan should support children andtalk to parents to respect children’s rights so thatchildren can stop suffering.17-year-old girl, IgangaParents should show love to their children and notshout at them when they make a mistake, becausechildren fear their parents when they shout at themall the time.18-year-old girl, NakapiripiritOld men who marry young girls should be taken tocourt for prosecution.15-year-old girl, Kasese52 Part Two Children’s Experiences

Children’s VoicesBadly beaten children should be provided withalternative homes.15-year-old boy, KaseseGovernment should put laws convicting men whoharass young girls and lure them into sex, especiallyold men and the boda-boda [scooter] men.15-year-old girl, KasesePolicemen and local leaders should be put on theway to stop all children carrying heavy loads andlater punish their parents so that parents can stopmistreating children.15-year-old boy, KaseseSensitise parents on how to handle children, not todeny them their rights and avoid giving corporalpunishment. This way, the violence would stop.16-year-old girl, NakapiripiritParents should guide their children and help themto learn how to do certain things in a friendly way,without using a stick.15-year-old boy, NakapiripiritTeachers should treat all children in school equallyand stop hurting and punishing some particularchildren all the time, because we are all people.15-year-old boy, NakapiripiritThe government should sit down and sensitiseparents on how children should be treated.15-year-old girl, KaseseThe school should put the money for lunch on schoolfees, not to be paid separately.16-year-old girl, WakisoSensitising those who violate children aboutchildren’s rights, especially stepmothers, uncles, andmothers.13-year-old girl, ApacParents should be sensitised about children’s rightsso that they know that children are human beings.13-year-old boy, WakisoParents and guardians should be sensitised by localcouncillors about the value of education so that theydo not pull children out of schools.17-year-old girl, IgangaChildren should be asked how they should bepunished instead of just beating them.12-year-old girl, ApacLocal leaders should also intervene and adviseparents to stop mistreating their children.15-year-old boy, WakisoAnnounce over the radio and warn parents to stopmistreating children.14-year-old girl, ApacTeachers should guide students and show them theirmistakes without beating.8-year-old girl, IgangaI feel like the community should gather all adultsand teach them to stop beating children.8-year-old girl, ApacPart Two Children’s Experiences 53

KEY FINDINGSMore than 90 percent of children participating inthe study reported experiencing violence at thehands of adults they knew at home, at school, andin their communities. These reports came fromchildren living in broadly divergent circumstancesand geographically and culturally diverse districts.Young children and older children, in-school andout-of-school, girls and boys all said with clarityand unanimity that the violence against themwas too much, and that something needed to bedone urgently. While the specific experiences ofviolence sometimes varied according to age, sex,and district, almost every child talked about thenegative impact that these experiences had on theirself-confidence, and their trust in these adults whowere supposed to be their allies.Key findings from the study of children’sexperiences include the following:1. Violence against children exists in the natureof the relationship between adult and childand not only in the act of violence itself.Children understood that violence is not just anact but also the context and the tone of theirrelationship with adults. They expressed anxietyand a profound alienation when asked to talk abouthow adults treated them. They talked about beingfearful of adults and ashamed of themselves inmany transactions. They learned over a period oftime that adults had more power in the adult-childrelationship and that adults often misused thispower.2. Children’s experiences of violence aremultifaceted.It was apparent that if a child was experiencingone form of violence, they were also vulnerableto other forms of violence. Most children talkedabout experiencing physical and emotionalviolence concurrently, about being beaten whenthey asked for school fees or threatened if theyreported sexual abuse. Many children talked aboutexperiencing several forms of violence from thesame adult.3. Children’s experiences of violence depend ontheir sex, age, and status within the family.While no child is immune to any of the fourforms of violence discussed in this study, certainforms of violence were reported more oftenby certain groups of children. Older girls weremore vulnerable to sexual violence, while olderboys were more vulnerable to extreme forms ofphysical punishment. Younger children were morevulnerable to being bullied by older children andto emotional violence. Children with a disabilitywere more likely to be denied access to education,and out-of-school children were more likely tobe disowned. However, despite the variety, theyall talked about a common underlying sense ofpowerlessness.4. Children have an intense reaction to violenceagainst them.Children talked of a broad range of feelingsspanning from rage and fantasies of revenge todespondency and feelings of powerlessness. Theyfelt a deep sense of betrayal and a consequentialloss of trust in adults. A significant proportion ofthe children talked about transitory thoughts ofsuicide. Older children often displaced their angeron younger children or girls by victimizing them atschools or in the community.54 Part Two Children’s Experiences

5. Children experience most of the violence athome.For every form of violence discussed in thisstudy, higher proportions of children reportedexperiencing the violence at home. The home actsas the most common place for violence, likely dueto the lower adult-to-child ratio in comparison toschools. It was also apparent to children that homeswere also the environment in which adults felt leastaccountable for their treatment of children. Thisfinding has practical implications, since many of thecurrent interventions are aimed primarily at schools.6. Children experience considerable violence atschool.Most reports of violence at school focused onthe injustice of the act rather than the act itself.Children reported being beaten for no apparentreason and being victimized by teachers. Olderboys talked about being humiliated by maleteachers and younger children and girls talkedabout being bullied by older children. Girls alsotalked about sexual violence against them fromteachers as well as older boys. There appearedto be a chain of transference at school (teacher toolder boys to younger children and girls) similar tothe chain of transference at home (father to motherto children). The most damaging aspect of thisviolence at school was that it was unpredictableand often a result of actions that individual childrenhad no control over. Children learned from thisexperience that adults with authority do abuse theirpower without consequences.7. Children also experience violence in thecommunity.Most adults felt that they had the authority tocastigate and beat any child, if, in their opinion, thechild was doing something wrong. This often led toad hoc violence in the streets against children, fromrandom caning for not appearing purposeful toabuse by street vendors or bus conductors. Oldergirls, in particular, reported considerable sexualharassment in the streets.8. Orphans and children living with a stepparentwere most vulnerable.Although all children were vulnerable to violence,a wide range of children reported orphans as themost vulnerable group. The same person oftenabused them physically, emotionally, as well aseconomically. Girls were often targeted by thestepfather or a male relative for sexual abuse.9. Children have no resort when they need help.Most children had no one to turn to when theyneeded help. Adult’s regularly underminedchildren’s plea for help by not believing themor discounting their anxiety. Children receivedwarnings to behave better or avoid situations thatprovoked the adult, but rarely received any seriousacknowledgement of their concerns. Furthermore,most children had no access to a formal mechanismfor reporting their complaints or even seekingassistance.10. Children just want the violence to stop.Most children did not want a confrontational or apunitive solution. They just wanted the violenceto stop. They wanted their concerns to be takenseriously and the adults to respect them as humanbeings. When children were asked what shouldbe done about violence against them, the singlemost popular response was that adults should besensitised to understand children’s rights. 1616See note 15Part Two Children’s Experiences 55

PART THREEAdults’ Rationale for Violence against ChildrenWHAT IT MEANS TO THEMWHAT THEY DOWHY THEY DO ITWHAT THEY THINK SHOULD BE DONE ABOUT ITThrough various methodsof data collection,adults responded tothese questions:Are children punished in your community?Do you punish children?How often do you punish children?In what ways do you punish children?Who do you punish?Why do you punish children?Are there ways in which adults mistreatchildren?What should be done when adults mistreatchildren?Part three of this report provides an overview ofthe consultations with adults by juxtaposing adults’voices taken directly from research notes andthe analysis of the data collected. It ends with asummary of key findings.

Adults’ Rationale for their Violence Against ChildrenThe concept of violence against children generated much debateamongst adults. It led to heated discussions about what it meant,its implications for the adult-child relationship, and how it haschallenged deep-seated, traditional values. The discussionsconsistently came back to adults’ belief that any concessions aroundthe issue could lead to erosion of the absolute authority adultsclaimed over the actions of children.During formative research, many members of the adult advisorygroup asserted that adults had a duty to guide children, and thatphysical and emotional pain served as useful tools in enabling adultsto fulfil that duty. They insisted that these interventions should beunderstood as “punishment” to correct children’s behaviour andthat excessive punishment should be seen as “mistreatment,” notviolence. These adults believed it should be taken for granted thatthey had the best interests of children at heart, and that lapses inadults’ judgment should be seen as an aberration rather than a wayof interacting with children. They further asserted that the majorityof adults intuitively knew the difference between guiding childrenthrough punishment and mistreating them. They were suspicious ofwhat they perceived as an external value system (i.e., the rhetoric ofchildren’s rights) undermining the status quo.Thus, the dialogue with adults, as reported in the following pages,was conducted on their own terms. The concept of “punishingchildren” was used instead of “violence against children.” Thequestions were phrased with the intention of ascertaining the nature,frequency, and motivation for the “acts” as opposed to what the actsmeant to the perpetrators. (for further discussion on terminologyused see page 12 and 13).58 Part Three Adults’ Rationale

QUESTION 1Are children punished in your community?Punishing children has become normalized. Manyadults use it as their primary method for teachingchildren how to behave. Most adults consulted in thisstudy talked with pride about how the adults withintheir communities punished children to control theirbehaviour.You are not a serious [responsible] adult if you don’tpunish children.male, community leader, NakapiripiritOf the adults consulted through questionnaires, 90percent said that children were being punished intheir communities. More than one third of them (35.2percent) said “many” children were being punished,and very few (8 percent) said that children were “rarely”punished in their communities.More women (38.7 percent) than men (31.7 percent)said that “many” children were punished, while moreFigure 3.1 Perception of norms regardingpunishment of children, by sexof respondentsYes, manyYes, someRarelyNeverI don’t know010 20% of respondentsMaleFemale30 40 50 60men (58.4 percent) than women (49.9 percent) saidthat “some” children were being punished. Thisdifference suggests that men are not aware of ordiscount punishment that is meted out to childrenon an ad hoc basis.Figure 3.2 Percentage of adults who punishchildren, by role of respondentsCommunity leadersParentsTeachers0 10 20 30 40 50 60% of respondentsYes, manyYes, someRarelyNeverI don’t knowAs a group, 45.9 percent of the communityleaders reported that “many” children were beingpunished in their communities, and 44.7 percentsaid “some” children were being punished.In discussions, many adults talked with pride,especially community leaders and parents, abouthow they were contributing to upholding the valuesof the community by ensuring that children obeyedtheir elders. If community leaders are assumedto represent the values of the community, thenthese numbers suggest that the punishment ofchildren is common and is seen as a good thingfor the community. It reflects well on adults of thecommunity if they publicly demonstrate that theyare “controlling” children.Part Three Adults’ Rationale 59

Adults’ VoicesAre children punished in your community?Yes. We beat them. How else will they learnrespect for elders?female, parent, NakapiripiritA few people spoil their children and do notpunish them at all, but these are few.female, parent, IgangaParents don’t like to beat, but sometimes youhave no choice.female, parent, WakisoThere are two groups [of children]. Those forwhom a look is enough and those who have tobe beaten senseless to put some sense in them!male, community leader, ApacYes, many. Some parents even bring theirchildren when they are tired of beating themand ask us to put some manners in them. “Don’thave mercy until he changes his ways,” they say.male, teacher, WakisoIt is common. All children are punished. Theboys need more punishment because they areunruly. Girls are always obedient.male, teacher, KaseseIt’s everyday. That is normal and right,otherwise there would be no discipline in ourhouses.female, parent, NakapiripiritMany children are punished, because when theyare young they tend to annoy their parentsmore.male, parent, ApacYes, most children are punished in thiscommunity if and when they commitmisbehaviour. Although some people do itexcessively, but others give normal punishmentin order to teach their children good behaviourand set them on the right path.male, community leader, ApacThat’s not a serious question! Of course theyare.male, community leader, ApacYes. We get children from all types of homesin this school. We must put them right [bypunishing].female, teacher, IgangaYes, many are punished, especially stepchildren.In this school we have many children who aretortured at home by their stepmothers.female, teacher, Iganga60 Part Three Adults’ Rationale

Adults’ VoicesCulturally, we watch the girls and punish themmost keenly. If we do not punish her then weruin the whole nation.female, community leader, IgangaIt [punishment] is common in schools. Childrencome here when they are wild!male, teacher, NakapiripiritChildren are undisciplined and have to bepunished.male, community leader, KaseseChildren today are very stubborn and have tobe punished.female, community leader, KaseseYes, all children are punished because that iswhat is expected from all responsible parents.female, community leader, IgangaAll children need disciplining, from birth tillwhen they are old. Without punishment, theybecome wild.male, parent, NakapiripiritSpare the rod, spoil the child. Even the Biblesays punish your child to make him a good child.We punish everyday.male, parent, ApacEvery child needs punishment to grow. Yes, Ibeat. The harder you beat, the better he willlearn what you are teaching.female, teacher, NakapiripiritWe as teachers rarely beat children.female, teacher, KasesePunishment is as old as man, because evenGod punished Adam, so we will not hesitate topunish. We punish regularly.male, community leader, WakisoPart Three Adults’ Rationale 61

QUESTION 2Do you punish children? How?Only 1.2 percent of the adults said they never punishedchildren. Apart from teachers, most adults reportedwithout hesitation that they punished children. Theyemphasized the duty of an adult to guide children onhow to behave and saw the punishment of children as atool for fulfilling this duty.I punish all children I come in contact with if I seethem misbehaving. How else will they learn how tobehave?male, community leader, KaseseOf the adults consulted in this study, 91.3 percentreported using physical or emotional punishment toguide children. Of these adults, 21.6 percent said theyprimarily used physical punishment; 20.3 percent saidthey primarily used emotional punishment; and 49.4percent said they used both physical and emotionalpunishment.A higher percentage of women (24 percent)compared to men (19.3 percent) said theyprimarily used physical punishment. Men andwomen reported using emotional punishment withcomparable frequency. However, men reportedwith higher frequency using both physical andemotional punishment compared to women. Indiscussions, it emerged that women tended to lashout more with physical punishments, such as slapsor caning, due to higher contact hours betweenchildren and women. Men generally only sawchildren in the evening and were often not involvedin supervising their household chores.Figure 3.4 Types of punishment adults reportusing with children, by sex ofrespondentsPhysical punishmentEmotional PunishmentBothMaleFemaleFigure 3.3 Types of punishment adults reportusing with children10 20 30 40 509%Other49%Both physical and emotional22%Physical punishment20%Emotional punishmentOther0 60% of respondentsAs a group, parents and community leadersreported with the highest frequency thepredominant use of physical punishment, whileteachers reported with highest frequency the useof both physical and emotional punishment todiscipline children. In discussions and interviews,teachers generally tended to underreport use ofphysical punishment within the school due to fear62 Part Three Adults’ Rationale

of being reported to higher authorities. Collectively,this might suggest that teachers are more aware ofpersonal consequences to them, if violence againstchildren is reported while parents and communityleaders feel greater security in using physicalpunishment against children. This is corroboratedby findings from discussions with children, whowere generally more reluctant to report adults onwhom they were dependent.Figure 3.5 Types of punishment adults reportusing with children, by role ofrespondentsPhysical punishmentEmotional punishmentBothOtherTeacherParentCommunity leaders0 10 20 30 40 50% of respondents60Part Three Adults’ Rationale 63

Adults’ VoicesDo you punish children? How?Yes, I punish any child that does not know howto behave.male, parent, NakapiripiritI do. It is my duty to make sure children behavewell. If I don’t punish they will get out ofcontrol.female, community leader, KaseseThere are as many ways to punish a child asthere are children. What is important is that thechild experiences pain and remembers the pain.male, community leader, WakisoDepends on what he has done. Small, smallmistakes, I shout at him. If he has insulted anelder, I beat him. If he has stolen, I seriouslybeat him, lock him up, and don’t speak to himfor a few days.male, parent, IgangaMost parents mix according to the situation. Ifyou have a stubborn child, you use a stick. Ifyou have an obedient one, a look is enough.female, parent, IgangaAdults’ VoicesAs teachers, we rarely punish. We refer to theheadmaster.female, teacher, ApacThere is not one way to punish. Differentchildren need different things. But generallyI leave it to my wife to do all the correction,since she is with them all the time. If somethingserious happens, that’s when I step in.male, parent, NakapiripiritI just react. I throw something at him or use mytongue, or anything.female, parent, IgangaI try to talk with them before punishing, butmost times they know why I am angry, sothere is no need to waste my words. I just stoptalking to them or let my stick do the talking.male, community leader, KaseseNowadays parents are spoiling children. Theybeg [children] to behave better as if that’s whatan adult should be doing. If the child doesn’tfear your look or hasn’t felt the pain of yourpalm, then you have failed as a parent.male, community leader, Kasese64 Part Three Adults’ Rationale

QUESTION 3How often do you punish children?It was difficult to ascertain the frequency ofpunishments, as most adults had a limited conceptionof how frequently they administered them. Most adults(64.2 percent) said they punished “when needed” inresponse to “bad behaviour.”Sometimes I punish three times a day andsometimes I don’t punish for three days. It alldepends on what he does.female, parent, IgangaWhen asked broadly, 13.6 percent of adults claimedthey never punished children, and almost an equalnumber, 13.1 percent, said they punished often. Whenthis question was asked more specifically,after discussing various types of punishmentthat adults use, the percentage of adultssaying they never punished childrendecreased dramatically from 13.6 percentto 1.2 percent. Accordingly, the number ofadults saying they punished often rose. Thisshift suggests that adults discounted muchof the violence they perpetrated againstchildren and were often unaware of it. Indiscussions, it emerged that only majorinterventions were being counted whenadults were asked how often they punished.For example, throwing an object at a child,threatening a child with a stick, or pinchinga child’s ear were not being consideredpunishments.As a group, more parents (14.8 percent) reportedpunishing once a day, although a considerablenumber of community leaders (18.8 percent)reported punishing once a week. Many teachersclaimed that they would only punish when otheravenues had been exhausted, as indicated by the19.9 percent who chose “other.” However, again,it is suspected that teachers were underreporting,since a large number of students reported beingpunished regularly at school, and teachers werefearful of official repercussions for reporting aboutphysical punishment in the schools.Women were more likely to be the day-to-daydisciplinarian in the family and punished childrenFigure 3.6 Frequency of punishment as reported by adults,by role of respondentsOnce a dayOnce a weekWhen neededNeverOther0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70% of respondentsTeacherParentCommunity leaderPart Three Adults’ Rationale 65

more often than men. For example, 13.4percent of women said they punishedeveryday and a further 13.7 percent saidthey punished once a week. In discussionsand interviews it became clear that thisdifference might be because womenspent more time with children comparedto men.Figure 3.7 Frequency of punishment of children asreported by adults, by sex of respondentsOnce a dayOnce a weekWhen neededNeverOtherMen tended to punish less regularly, with65.6 percent of the men claiming that% of respondentsthey punished children when needed.There appeared to be a widespreadexpectation that men would become involved in “disciplining” children when a child committed a seriousoffence, and in those instances, the punishment was usually severe.MaleFemale0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70For me, I don’t bother with a slap or a cane. His mother can take care of that. I only get involved whenserious punishment has to be given. I tie him up and beat him thoroughly. A father’s punishment shouldbe like that or else he will get used to it. That is why I don’t punish often, but when I do, he will notforget it.male, parent, Iganga66 Part Three Adults’ Rationale

Adults’ VoicesHow often do you punish children?In a week I can punish him five or six times.female, parent, NakapiripiritDepends on the situation, the child, and thecrime he has committed.male, parent, ApacI am teacher. I can punish 10 times a day.male, teacher, ApacYou can’t go a whole day without punishing. Itcan be shouting or it can be a slap. You knowhow children are. They keep making newmistakes all the time, everyday.female, community leader, WakisoAs a parent, I am on duty all the time. Evenmy presence means a child is scared ofmisbehaving.female, parent, ApacI punish when he commits a mistake.male, parent, WakisoI rarely punish. The child has to really upset mebefore I give strokes, because I don’t want himto get used to the punishment or it will lose itspower.female, teacher, KaseseI am not educated like you people so I don’tcount how many times I punish them. All Ican say is that my children are well behavedbecause they know the consequences of badbehaviour.male, parent, NakapiripiritIf I were to estimate, I would say I punish herseriously maybe once every week.female, parent, KasesePart Three Adults’ Rationale 67

QUESTION 4In what ways do you punish children?Although a wide array of punishments was reported, most adults tended to use caning, shouting, glaring,slapping, pinching, and assigning physical work. Most adults recognised that the punishments involvedinflicting pain or deprivation on children and that it provoked powerful reactions in children, yet they alsoinsisted, that it was for the children’s own good.My child knows that I beat him because I care about him. I don’t want him to be spoiltlike other children.female, parent, NakapiripiritFigure 3.8 Types of punishments used with children, as reportedby adults•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• ••••• •••••••• •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• ••••••••••••••• •••••••••••••••••• ••••• ••••• •••••••••••••••• ••••• • • • •• • ••••••••• • • • ••• • • •••••••••• •••••• ••••••••••••• ••••••• •• •••••• ••••••• ••••••• •••••••••••••••••••• ••••••• ••••• •••••••••• • ••• •• ••• •• • ••• • •••••••••••••••••••• ••••••••• ••••••••• • •••••68 Part Three Adults’ Rationale

In what ways do you punish children?Physical PunishmentAlthough an overwhelming majority of adults (78.3percent) said they caned children, only 45.7 percentof adults said they slapped children as a form ofpunishment, and 42.8 percent said they pinchedchildren. Almost 1 in 5 adults (19.3 percent) saidthey assigned excessive work to punish children,and more than 1 in 10 (11.4 percent) said theylocked children up. Apart from caning, thesefigures are considerably lower than the experiencesreported by children. Most noticeably, 80.4 percentof children reported being slapped by adults,yet only 45.7 percent of adults reported slappingchildren. Similarly, 61.6 percent of children reportedbeing pinched by adults, yet only 42.8 percent ofadults reported pinching children.This discrepancy confirms an observation discussedearlier (see page 65) that many adults are underrepresentingand perhaps even under-perceivingthe amount of violence inflicted on children. Indiscussions and interviews, many adults tendedto discount ad hoc incidences of violence againstchildren as inconsequential.Small, small actions such as looking with hoteyes or a quick slap are not important. It quicklyputs the child right and you continue doing whatyou were doing before. If I were to count those,they would be too many!female, parent, WakisoAs expected, not many adults admitted to usingexcessive forms of physical punishment. Forexample, 19.1 percent of boys and 15.1 percent ofgirls reported being burned, yet only 2.9 percentof adults reported using burning as a form ofpunishment. Similarly, 14.4 percent of childrenreported being tied up, yet only 3.4 percent ofadults admitted to tying up children. This wouldsuggest that at least at some level, a significantnumber of adults are aware that other adults wouldunderstand some of the punishment they inflicton children as mistreatment. This emerged moreclearly during discussion under question 7 althoughoften it was reported in the third person.Figure 3.9 Comparison of children’s and adults’ reports of use ofphysical punishmentCaningSlappingPinchingExcesive workChildrenAdultLocking up0 10 20 30 40 50 60 7080 90% of respondentsPart Three Adults’ Rationale 69

Slapping and caning were the only two formsof physical punishment that had significantdifferences between men and women. A higherpercentage of women reported slapping children(55.6 percent) and caning children (81.2 percent)compared to men (37.1 percent and 75.7 percentrespectively). This difference suggests that theseforms of punishment are opportunistic and aredependent on the accessibility of children.Pinching was the only form of physical punishmentwhere there was a significant difference betweengroups. A higher percentage of teachers reportedpinching (51.1 percent) compared to parents (34.6percent) or community leaders (31.8 percent).Many children reported that pinching was used in agroup setting to single out a particular student fora public humiliation.Figure 3.10 Types of physical punishment used by adults,by sex of respondentsCaningSlappingPinchingBurningTying upLocking upOverworkMaleFemaleOther0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 9 0 100% of respondents70 Part Three Adults’ Rationale

Adults’ VoicesIn what ways do you punish children?Physical PunishmentPhysical pain is a good teacher. It burns lessonsin your head in a way that soft-soft words nevercan. I make sure the child feels the pain when Islap him.male, teacher, WakisoI give them 10 strokes of the cane.male, teacher, KaseseI tie him to a tree for a whole day without foodor water and cane him once or twice during theday.male, parent, NakapiripiritI twist his earlobe so that he will feel the pain.male, teacher, KaseseIf I want to punish him quietly, I press his fingernear the nails really tight.female, teacher, ApacI use my fingernails to squeeze her earlobe untilit can even bleed.male, parent, IgangaIf he becomes wild and I can’t manage, I invitemob justice. I call his age-mates and ask them tobeat him up.male, parent, NakapiripiritI make them slash the grass on a large area ofland in the hot sun.female, teacher, WakisoMe as a teacher, I don’t punish, but as a parent Igive strokes, I shout, and I even deny her food ifshe fails her tests.female, teacher, ApacI don’t joke around. When I slap, the childknows he has been slapped. I don’t believe inthis soft approach of staring at your child orgiving warnings.male, parent, NakapiripiritPart Three Adults’ Rationale 71

In what ways do you punish children?Emotional PunishmentShouting and glaring at children were reportedwith highest frequency as forms of emotionalpunishment. Adults saw both of these acts as mildforms of punishment that were administered asa warning before a “more serious” action wouldfollow.Shouting (63.6 percent) was seen as a normal wayof communicating with children. Many adults feltthat it added emphasis to a point when they raisedtheir voices.You know how these children are. If you talk tothem with a normal voice, they ignore you, butif you raise your voice, they start taking youseriously. If you don’t shout at them, they willstart sitting on your head!female, teacher, IgangaGlaring was the only form of punishment that wasreported with higher frequency by adults than bychildren, with 61.3 percent of adults saying theyglared at children and only 51.7 percent of childrenreporting being glared at. This difference may existbecause many adults mentioned with pride thatglaring was enough to stop their children frommisbehaving. It was seen as an indication of havinginstilled enough fear of consequences that theirchildren did not need to be told again.One look from me and he knows what he has todo. I do not need to raise my hand to show himthat I am displeased.male, parent, ApacFigure 3.11 Types of emotional punishmentused by adults, by sex ofrespondentsShoutingGlaringEmbarrassingInsultingIgnoringDenying love andaffectionOtherMaleFemale0 20 40 60 80% of respondentsIn discussions and interviews, many adults indicatedthat emotional punishment was an effective toolfor maintaining control over children. For example,approximately one in five adults said that theyinsulted (20.7 percent), ignored (19.6 percent), ordenied love and affection (20.5 percent) when theywere displeased with children. Almost one in threeadults (30.6 percent) said they humiliated childrenwhen they misbehaved as a way of ensuring thatthey wouldn’t repeat the mistake. The aim, itappeared, was to shame children or exploit theirneed to be loved in order to coerce them intobehaving differently.You have to show the child that your love isnot for free. He has to earn it. If he doesn’t dowhat you say, why should you show him love?The child should get what he deserves. Nothingmore, nothing less.male, parent, Kasese72 Part Three Adults’ Rationale

Adults’ VoicesIn what ways do you punish children?Emotional PunishmentI lock her in the kraal with the animals, so shewill know that if she behaves like an animal, Iwill treat her like that.male, parent, NakapiripiritI show him hot coal. I tell him I will brand himlike an animal on his face.female, parent, WakisoI threaten to throw her down the latrine.male, parent, ApacIt depends on my mood. If she is annoying me,I can say poisonous things, I can pinch her, orI can refuse to give her food. As I said, it alldepends.female, parent, IgangaI believe a tongue is more powerful than thecane. I make her feel bad by my words, and shewill be so ashamed that she dare not repeat themistake.female, parent, WakisoI send him away saying he is no longer my son.male, parent, NakapiripiritI ignore her and make her feel bad.female, parent, ApacI threaten to burn him with a hot knife.female, parent, WakisoIf I walk into a class, they know that I have to beable to hear a pin drop. If not, they know whatwill happen.male, teacher, IgangaI insult them publicly, and then if they continue,I administer several strokes.male, teacher, ApacPart Three Adults’ Rationale 73

In what ways do you punish children?Economic PunishmentControlling children’s access to their families’resources was reported by adults as an importantway of controlling behaviour. Children wereexpected to make a significant contribution tothe family’s economy through their labour, yettheir access to the family resources was seen as aprivilege that can be withdrawn as a punishment.Indeed, a critical quality of the economicpunishment was its overt injustice, otherwise theact was not perceived as punishment.Figure 3.12 Types of economic punishmentused by adults, by sex ofrespondentsNot providing foodNot providingfees/ uniformNot providing moneyfor healthcareMaking them workto earn moneyOther0 10 20 30 40% of respondentsMaleFemaleThis was also an area where, in interviews andinformal conversations, many adults acknowledgedthat children were routinely being abused. Asignificant proportion of adults acknowledgedin discussions that although they realized thatchildren have a right to have their basic needsmet, as parents they would still continue to imposeeconomic penalties that curtailed access to basicneeds for perceived misbehaviour.50Children have to show that they are worthy ofbeing educated, otherwise it is better they stayhome and contribute to the family by working.male, parent, WakisoOf the adults consulted in this study, 46.8 percentsaid that if they were displeased with children, theywithdrew financial support and forced children toearn money for some of their basic needs.Approximately, one in eight adults (12.2 percent)said that they refused to provide children withmoney for healthcare if children misbehaved.Almost one in three adults (29.7 percent) said theydenied children food as a form of punishment, andover one in five (22.3 percent) said that they onlyprovided money for uniforms or school relatedcosts if they deemed the child worthy of it.In every category, women were more likely toimpose economic punishments on children. Forexample, 34.8 percent of women said they woulddeny food to children as a punishment, comparedto 25.2 percent of men. Similarly, 14.5 percent ofwomen said they would deny money for healthcareto children, compared to 10.1 percent of men.However, this difference may be more relatedto access and context rather than characteristicdifferences between women and men. Womencontrol access to food, and children generally tendto approach their mothers for their financial needs.Furthermore, in many cases, it is likely that men arein overall control of the family’s resources, and thatwomen are merely conduits of decisions alreadymade by the male head of the family.74 Part Three Adults’ Rationale

Adults’ VoicesIn what ways do you punish children?Economic PunishmentI tell her, “tonight you will not eat.”female, parent, ApacA child has to contribute to the family. Nobodyshould get anything for free. If he doesn’tbehave, why should I support him? He is not myson if he embarrasses me in my community.male, community leader, KaseseI stop paying school fees. Why should I if hedoesn’t deserve it?male, parent, KaseseI make them fetch firewood from faraway forcooking school lunch if they are late, even by afew minutes.female, teacher, WakisoI send him away saying he is no longer my son.male, parent, NakapiripiritChildren are not serious, these days! All theywant to do is play. They don’t want to workhard for their families. It is good discipline tomake them do heavy work, especially whenthey misbehave.male, community leader, ApacI make them fetch four 20-liter jerry cans ofwater.female, parent, IgangaI threaten to collect the bride-price from the oldman who wants to pay me 50 cows for her.male, parent NakapiripiritI know sometimes she has too much work, butI am preparing her to be a good wife. If shebecomes lazy, who will pay a bride-price forher? Toughening her up is good.female, parent, NakapiripiritIt is children’s duty to collect water for thefamily. I make her collect more when I am angrywith her.female, parent, WakisoA child should never get tired of doing work,otherwise she will become lazy and startexpecting everything for free. The more workshe has the better behaved she will be.male, parent, NakapiripiritPart Three Adults’ Rationale 75

QUESTION 5Who do you punish?This question sparked much debate. It seemedto penetrate to the core values and attitudesbehind adults’ relationships with children. Duringfocus group discussions, adults challenged eachother about the meaning of being an adult in thatcommunity. When reflecting on who they punished,many adults lamented the erosion of their authorityover children. They were no longer sure if theycould claim absolute respect from children. Theyexpressed confusion as well as nostalgia over theloss of certainty in their roles as guardians of thecommunity’s values.Children these days are too much. Any smallthing you do, they want to take you to police!They don’t understand that I am older and Iknow what is best for them. If I beat them, it isto improve them. Instead they want me to say“sorry” and beg for forgiveness. I will not do it!male, parent, NakapiripiritFigure 3.13 Who adults punishMy childChildren ofmy communityStudentsAnyNone0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90% of respondentsDespite this discussion, 81.7 percent of adults saidthey punished their own children. More than halfof the adults (57.9 percent) said they punishedchildren in their communities, and one third ofthe adults said they would punish any child theysaw misbehaving. Compared to men, a higherproportion of women (39.3 percent) reported thatthey would punish any child they saw misbehaving.In the old days, all adults were responsible forall children and there was more harmony in ourcommunities.female, community leader, ApacAmong teachers, 80.1 percent claimed to punishtheir own children, whereas only 60.4 percentclaimed to punish their students. Similarly, 89.4percent of the community leaders claimed topunish their own children, whereas only 22.4percent reported punishing other children. Thispattern could suggest that with the possibility ofpersonal consequences, adults exercise greatercaution when punishing other children or, at least,when speaking about it publicly.This business of child rights is too much. Yougive one slap and you could find yourself incourt responding to charges of abuse.male, teacher, Iganga76 Part Three Adults’ Rationale

In interviews, many teachers admitted that they did not want to be seen as teachers who physically punishstudents. However, when discussing other forms of punishment and punishing their own children, these sameteachers showed little concern. They explained that as teachers they were responsible for ensuring all childrenbehaved well. They reported, with much higher frequency than other groups, that they would punish any childthey saw misbehaving.Researchers questioned adults about the seeming contradiction between their initial reports of losing authorityover children and their later reports of extensive punishment against children. In response, adults talked abouttheir resentment at having to be careful about how they discuss their approach to punishing their children.Many of these participants felt that their power over children is entirely legitimate and found it intolerable thattheir behaviour towards children could be questioned.It is not that I don’t punish my children or other children. It is just that there is a chancethat I could be taken to court or the parent of the child could quarrel with me. I have tobe careful what I do and I don’t like it. I am an adult and my value should be more than thechild’s. When another adult compares what I say with what the child says with equal weight,I feel insulted.male, parent, NakapiripiritFigure 3.14 Who adults punish, by role of respondentsComm leadersParentTeacherMy childChild of my communityStudentAny childNone0 20 40 60 80 100% of respondentsPart Three Adults’ Rationale 77

Adults’ VoicesKey Informant InterviewFemale Community LeaderQ: What is commonly done when people punishchildren in your community?A: Beating is commonly used, glaring, quarrellingwith children, shouting, insulting, neglecting,refusing to take children to school even whenparents are able.Q: Are many children punished in your community?A: Yes, most children are punished regularly, bothboys and girls.Q: Do you punish your children or other children youcome in contact with?A: I punish all children, whether mine or not,who are doing wrong and they are within mycommunity, because it is our responsibility aselders to guide our children. I don’t discriminatebetween boys and girls. It only depends on whohas done wrong.Q: How do you punish them?A: I always use a stick for boys. I also take them toschool and ask teachers to beat them so hard,because me as their mother, even if I beat, theyonly cry and repeat the same mistakes. But whena stranger beats them, they fear and change. Isometimes shout at them, but I so much believein the stick. For girls, I send them to fetch waterbecause girls have to be protected againstgetting scars, so that in future many cattlecan be paid for bride price.Q: In your opinion, does punishing children inthis way help them learn what they have donewrong?A: Yes, because when you beat a child, sherarely does the same mistake or takes longto repeat it, because they fear the pain of thestick or feel ashamed.Q: How does punishing children make them feel?A: They feel very scared of the parent anddon’t do any wrong in the parent’s presence.They don’t feel happy, some feel sorry forthe wrongs they have done and come andapologize. Even though the child feels hatedand always avoids the mother or the personwho punishes them, the good ones in theirheart know that they are being punished fortheir own good.Q: Can you share with us how you feel or what youare thinking when you are punishing children?A: I feel pain and sometimes cry after beatingmy children, but I do it for their own good.Sometimes I am not happy and regret whenI realize that I have beaten the child so hardand she is swollen or has small wounds. At78 Part Three Adults’ Rationale

Adults’ Voicestimes, I feel happy when I punish and mychildren change and even apologize to me,because then I know I punished them for aright cause.Q: In your opinion, do children have a right not tobe punished in a way that hurts them physicallyor makes them feel bad about themselves?A: No, children don’t have that right. It is theirparents to show them what is good and bad,and they cannot see this on their own.Q: Are there ways in which adults mistreat childrenin your community?A: Making children of 8 years carry heavy 20-liter jerry cans of water, excessive beating,most children are neglected because parentsdon’t take care of them and just go and drinkalcohol. Children are not given medical care.You see them walking around with sores andnobody cares. Girls of 12 years are forced tomarry old men, because they offer cattle totheir fathers.Q: What should be done when adults mistreatchildren?A: You reason with the adult, because oftenthey just want what is good for the child.You should not be too quick to take them tohigher authority, even if they sometimes beatbadly.Q: Do you have any other thoughts or feelingsabout how children are treated in yourcommunity?A: Many, too many, children are abused inour community, but it is hard for adultstoo. We need help to find better ways ofsolving our problems instead of just beating.Government should reach out to us.female, community leader, NakapiripiritPart Three Adults’ Rationale 79

QUESTION 6Why do you punish children?Adults responded to this question with a surprisingamount of candour and forthright discussion. Thisquestion elevated the discussion from posturingto collective problem solving. Participants shareddeep-seated reasons for punishing children, manygoing beyond the seemingly right and defensiblereasons within their community.I punish for many reasons. Sometimes it is toguide the child, sometimes because he is gettingin my head, sometimes because I am angry, andsometimes because I don’t know what else todo. Sometimes I do it because there is no oneelse to blame.female, parent, KaseseOf the adults consulted in this study, 87.9 percentsaid that the goal of punishing children was toguide them on how to behave. In focus groupdiscussions and interviews, as well as informalFigure 3.15 Adults’ rationale for punishingchildren% of respondents100806040conversations, adults highlighted three qualitiesthey were trying to instil in a child throughpunishment: compliance, respect for elders,and allegiance to traditional values espousedby the community. To instil these qualities, 91.3percent of adults reported using physical oremotional punishment. However, 51.9 percent ofadults expressed ambivalence when asked if intheir experiences punishing children resulted inintended change of behaviour. Among teachers,only 32.6 percent actually believed that punishingchildren would change their behaviour, and 61.2percent said that punishing children only changesbehaviour “sometimes.” However, although manyadults acknowledged this contradiction individually,in a group, adults continued to emphasize theimportance of punishment.When adults were asked how the punishments theyused might achieve the stated goals, 72.7 percentof the adults said that they used punishment toassociate fear with the misbehaviour, and 43.3percent said they used punishment to shamechildren. Many adults agreed that neither fearnor shame helped children understand how theyhad misbehaved yet when asked what punishingdemonstrated, 80.7 percent of adults said thatpunishing showed you cared about children, and75 percent said that punishing showed you were agood parent or teacher.200Scare them sothat they fearrepeating themistakeShame them sothey will notrepeat themistakeGuide themon howto behaveTeach themto showrespect foreldersOther80 Part Three Adults’ Rationale

I know beating her has not changed what she does. In fact I am tired of beating her, but if I don’tcontinue to beat, she will get out of control. What else can I do?female, parent, IgangaClearly there is a crisis of confidence inthe current approach, yet in the absenceof a credible alternative, many adultshave chosen to cling to the familiarway of relating with childen. Adultswant to demonstrate to their childrenthat they care about them and wantto feel respected as members of theircommunities, yet they have inheritedan unworkable model of the adult-childrelationship. Therein lies an opportunityfor all child-centric activists: to develop acredible, equitable, and workable modelof the adult-child relationship that servesthe needs of both parties.Figure 3.16 What adults believe they demonstrate when theypunish childrenCare about childrenGood parent/teacherIn controlGood community memberI don’t knowOther0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90% of respondentsPart Three Adults’ Rationale 81

Adults’ VoicesA Teacher Against ViolenceA testimonyI was born in a village in a family where my father hadtwo wives. He was a respected man because he hadland. He provided for both families, but me and mybrothers and sisters were afraid of him. He was soharsh. He would beat you for any small mistake.He beat me and shouted at me all the time. If I didn’tdo the housework or did not do my homework or didnot greet somebody properly, he would beat and hewould shout. He was terrible to all my siblings and me.He gave our mother money for food and expenses andsaid that it was no business of hers how he chose todiscipline his children. My mother tried to help us butwhat can she do?All through my school years, I feared everyone andremained quiet and obedient. I tried to avoid troubles.I thought men were just like that and there is nothingI can do. But then when I was 22, I met my nowhusband. He is kind and never shouts. At first I thoughthe was just trying to tempt me, but till now he hasremained like that. Perhaps violence is not about beinga man or a woman but what kind of person you are.We now have two children and at first I used tobeat them and shout at them just like my fatherused to do to me. One day I saw how afraid mydaughter was about everything and I thoughtof how I was when my father used to beat me. Italked to my friend about it and she helped mesee what I was doing to my daughter. I felt sorryand apologized to her. Then I attended a workshopabout children’s rights and learned that it does nothave to be like that. My husband and I talked aboutit and have decided that we will never beat ourchildren the way we were beaten by our parents. Ido not want my children to be afraid of everything,the way I was. We even try to help our neighbour’schildren when they beat them too much.I don’t know if it was the workshop that changedme. I knew in my heart that violence was wrongbecause I know what it feels like. The workshophelped me understand what was in my heart.Now I work at this school where the headmistresshas made a rule that corporal punishment is notallowed. Sometimes it is hard, but I also think it isright. I wish all schools were like ours . . .female, teacher, Apac82 Part Three Adults’ Rationale

QUESTION 7Are there ways in which adults mistreat children?The discussion for this question began by askingadults to differentiate between punishment andmistreatment of a child. Many adults talked about‘excess’ as the defining criterion for mistreatment(except sexual abuse). Beating or making a childcontribute labour was not seen as mistreatmentbut excessive beatings or overworking children was(see page 12 and 58 for further discussion). It wasclear that adults were talking in third person aboutwhat others did, rather than what they did. Placingof the question toward the end of the discussionalso allowed adults to talk more openly about theirconcerns.To beat one or two canes is not bad. But to use20 canes for a small mistake or to make a sixyear-oldcarry a 10-liter jerry can of water over along distance is. Everyone knows that!male, community leader, WakisoIt is important that these numbers are understoodin context. While reports of other forms ofmistreatment appear to be credible based onreports from children themselves, reports of sexualabuse are based on conjecture since it oftenhappens in a private space. However consideringsuch a large number of adults are reportingsexual abuse of children, it merits a more detailedinvestigation.Four of the top six forms of mistreatmentsmentioned by adults involved exploiting children’slabour. This corresponds well with children’sown claims of being made to do excessive work,burdened with taking care of younger siblingsor being made to carry heavy loads over longdistances. In most communities, children appearedto be primarily responsible for fetching water fordomestic use often from far away.Only 6.4 percent of adults said that children werenot mistreated in their communities. More than onethird of adults (37 percent) said, without hesitation,that children were mistreated in their communities.When adults were asked how children weremistreated, excessive beating (79.5 percent) andmaking children do all the housework (76 percent)were the two most common forms of mistreatmentmentioned by the participants. More than one thirdof the participants (34.7 percent) said adults tiedupchildren, and almost a quarter (23.3 percent)said adults burned children. More than half ofthe participants (62.8 percent) said children wereforced to have sex with adults, and just under half(48.2 percent) said children were forced to touchadults in sexual parts.Figure 3.17 Adults’ response regarding ifchildren were mistreated in theircommunityIt happens oftenSometimesIt doesn’t happenOther010 20 30 40 50 60% of respondentsPart Three Adults’ Rationale 83

This was the first explicit discussion of abuse ofchildren as defined by the subjects of the studyrather than the researchers. Three central issuesemerged from these reports.defensive postures, many adults shared theiranxiety and confusion. Many felt conflicted aboutwhere their loyalties lie and what their duty oughtto be as moral adults.Firstly, despite a calculated silence, a large numberof adults are aware that children are being abusedin their community yet are either unwilling orunable to protect children from such abuse.Secondly, despite assertions to the contrary,a significant proportion of adults were unableto retain a reliable perspective on where theboundary lay between guiding (“punishing”) andabusing (“mistreatment”) of children. Many adultsrelated stories of children being grossly abused,such as being burned or caned heavily for minoroffences or being worked wellbeyond their capacity, yet adultskept insisting in formal conversationsthat they always act in the best90interests of their children.80Yes, many children are being mistreated here.Some people treat their children worse thananimals. They make them work long hours,and many stepfathers abuse their daughters.Others just shout and kick their children even ifthey have done nothing wrong, simply becausehe [adult] is drunk or angry at something else.Sometimes it pains my heart but what can Ialone do? I don’t know what to tell them [theparent]. I don’t know what to do.female, parent, NakapiripiritFigure 3.18 Adults’ perception of child mistreatment in theircommunityThirdly, far from being engagedin a systematic method to guidechildren’s behaviour, some adultswere often merely releasingtheir frustration on the child andsubsequently justifying their actionas punishment.Clearly many adults are willing tomaintain a duplicitous stance toavoid accountability regarding howthey relate with children. However,in conversations that went beyond706050403020100BurningTying upLocking upExcessive beatingDisowningForced sexBeing touchedForcing to touch themKissing on mouthSexual HarassmentExposing themselvesAssign all household workLook after babiesHeavy loadsWork long hoursPhysical Sexual Economic84 Part Three Adults’ Rationale

Adults’ VoicesAre there ways in which adults mistreat children?Yes, it’s there [mistreatment], it’s common, and itseverywhere.male, parent, IgangaExcessive punishment. A child can be burnt forstealing 100 shillings.male, parent, KaseseChildren are made to do too much work. They aresometimes responsible for all the housework.male, community leader, ApacSexual abuse, especially of orphan girls. The manmay pay school fees but later demand repaymentfrom the girl in the form of sex.female, parent, IgangaMost children are beaten unnecessarily. Every smalloffence is punishable by canes. Sometimes thecaning is severe even for small offences.male, community leader, ApacChildren are humiliated all the time. They can beslapped in front of everyone for laughing too loudor not knowing what to say. It is too much.female, parent, WakisoToo much heavy work given to especially youngchildren, like carrying a 20-liter jerry can to a 9-year-old child.female, teacher, ApacBoys are beaten harshly for small mistakes. Likeone boy was beaten until he was bleeding badlyand fell unconscious, because he lost a goat.male, community leader, NakapiripiritYes, children are denied food, yet parents eata lot. Some are denied medical care and othersdon’t even have a clean pair of clothes. Thishappens a lot with orphans.female, parent, KaseseThey make young children carry the heavy loadof sorghum to take to the market every week.female, teacher, KaseseMany children don’t get medicines they need.You see them walking around with big sores orshaking with malaria, and the parent will justignore it.female, community leader, NakapiripiritPart Three Adults’ Rationale 85

Adults’ VoicesChildren are made to miss school every week tocarry heavy loads on market days. I know one girlwho had to walk two kilometres, to the market withtwo heavy bunches of bananas.male, teacher, KaseseOverworking girl children at home. They are madeto do all the household work, such as sweeping,cooking, grinding millet or sorghum, cleaningutensils, and all this while she is carrying a youngbaby on her back.female, community leader, ApacMany girls are by force circumcised and thenmarried to older men.female, parent, NakapiripiritSome parents take their children to the policestation and ask them to lock him up for twoto three days. Imagine doing that to your ownchild especially when we all know what thosecells are like.female, parent, KaseseGirls are seen as property for the family. Theythink of her as the number of cows they aregoing to get for the bride price.female, teacher, NakapiripiritParents sleep on comfortable mattresses, whilechildren are made to sleep on mats or bananaleaves on the floor.male, teacher, WakisoMany parents refuse to pay school fees or moneyfor lunch, yet you find them drinking from morningto night.female, teacher, ApacChildren are denied food, while they work allday for the family. The father eats the bestmeat, and children get left over juice or nothing.female, community leader, WakisoMob justice [under instruction from the parent] ofpeers is common in this area, especially when thechild proves to be a menace to parents.male, parent, NakapiripiritA child can wake up early and still be workingtill late at night. This is too much for youngchildren.male, parent, Apac86 Part Three Adults’ Rationale

QUESTION 8What should be done when adults mistreat children?Just as it did with children, this question plungedmany adults in a dilemma. It raised the fundamentalquestion; were they willing to speak out againstother adults on behalf of children? Many adults feltconflicted about the issue and in discussions manyparticipants were not willing to commit themselvesto a single option. The anxiety appeared to be thatspeaking out against the mistreatment could createdisharmony amongst neighbours and communitymembers and that it would create an onus to actunder many common circumstances. Most adultscould readily describe an instance of mistreatmentthat they had witnessed that they had not doneanything about.Although many of the respondents said that theadult should be held accountable, a significantnumber (36.6 percent) said that, regardless of howadults mistreat children, no action should be takenagainst them. Two thirds (23.9 percent) of thosewho chose no action believed that adults knewwhat was best for children, and one third (12.7percent) said that anyone could make a mistake.These rationales for inaction explicitly articulateon behalf of a significant minority what earlierresponses subtly implied: injustice against childrendoes not matter or matters less.Figure 3.19 Adult’s suggested response to childmistreatment, by role of respondentsHeld accountableNothing, adults knowwhat is best for childrenNothing, anyonecan make a mistakeOtherI don’t know020 40 60% of respondents80 100Part Three Adults’ Rationale 87

A higher percentage of women (63.1 percent)compared to men (53.1 percent) said that adultsshould be held accountable. However, thesenumbers by themselves may be misleading. Indiscussions and interviews, a significant minority ofparticipants felt deeply opposed to any concessionsregarding the accountability of adults on howthey treat children, and many of these participantswere women. Ultimately what may matter morethan mere numbers for those wanting to preventviolence against children is the willingness toengage with this entrenched and influential minorityin a deeper discussion of why they hold such apunitive stance.48 percent of community leaders, 42 percentof parents and 28.4 percent of teachers said noaction should be taken against adults who mistreatchildren. Considering that other adults often actas the first layer of response in cases of violenceagainst children, this is a discouraging finding.In focus group discussions, adults emphasizedthat prosecuting or arresting adults should be thefinal option exercised for persistent offenders orthose who sexually abuse children. The preferredresponses to adults mistreating children includedan intervention by respected neighbours or elders,counselling from religious leaders or trainedcommunity members, and the ongoing sensitisationof the entire community.88 Part Three Adults’ Rationale

Adults’ VoicesWhat should be done when adults mistreat children?I think a parent should be cautioned but notarrested. After all you can’t arrest a father forbeating his child. It is his right to do what he wants.male, parent, NakapiripiritI think that if the child does not bleed we shouldjust finish it there, otherwise we have to open acase.male, community leader, IgangaLook, anyone can lose his temper sometimes. Weshould not take occasional abuses too seriously.Even if the child bleeds, he knows that the parentwas trying to teach him something.male, parent, WakisoI think a parent should be held accountable if theymistreat children. First you talk with them andif they don’t reform, then we have to take moreserious steps.female, teacher, KaseseA parent always knows what is right even if theysometimes don’t show it correctly.female, parent, NakapiripiritI think we should not be so quick to take a child’sside against the parent. This talk of children’s rightsis a curse on parents.male, parent, ApacPeople who don’t understand what it is like tocorrect children should not try to tell us what to do.male, parent, NakapiripiritChildren have feelings too. I think older peopleshould know how to treat children well or elsethey should face the law.male, teacher, KaseseFive strokes are fine. Beyond that, the teacher isnot teaching but injuring.female, teacher, WakisoI think people who sexually abuse youngchildren should be arrested and locked away forseven years.male, community leader, IgangaUs elders should talk to the abuser. We shouldcounsel them about how to properly guidechildren.female, community leader, ApacGovernment should sensitize the communityabout correct ways of guiding children.female, parent, IgangaPart Three Adults’ Rationale 89

KEY FINDINGSIt stands to reason that the rampant violence againstchildren cannot simply be explained by assumingthat the perpetrators are cruel and unsympatheticindividuals. The numbers are simply too large andwidespread to sustain that assertion. It was clear in thisstudy that the rationale adults offered was complex,conflicted, and imbued with contradictions. Theexplanations and narratives that emerged suggestedthat a large number of adults are simply trying to makesense of how to cope with the immense pressures of arapidly evolving social climate. Many are facing intenseeconomic pressures that form an overarching contextfor how they construct their personal relationships.Most are reacting to children based on divergentinputs, including traditions, an inherited value system,and peer pressure. Thus, for most adults, theirrelationship with children is a consequence of thisconfluence.Key findings from the study of adults’ experiencesinclude the following:1. Adults have a different understanding ofviolence compared to children.The issue of violence against children is controversialfor adults. Many adults asserted that a moderateamount of beating, shouting, or other acts, broadlyconceptualised as “punishing” children, were alegitimate exercise of adults’ responsibility to guidechildren under their care. Many adults believed thatviolence was a matter of excess of certain acts, ratherthan the act itself.2. Adults under-report and discount violenceagainst children.Adults consistently underestimated how oftenthey punished children and often insisted outrightthat certain acts did not really count as a serioustransaction. Ad hoc slaps, pinching, embarrassingcomments, or threats towards children were seen as anormal part of adult-child interactions, if adults wereto get children to do what they wanted them to do.These acts were administered to extract immediatecompliance and were not seen as part of an overallapproach to guide children into becoming responsibleadults. In these instances, adults did not feel that theslap or the threat even needed an explanation.3. Adults feel threatened and undermined by therhetoric of children’s rights.Adults expressed a considerable level of resentment,possibly even backlash, regarding children’s rights.Many adults regretted that the rhetoric of children’srights was beginning to erode the absolute deferencethat they expected from children. They often claimedthat their authority was being undermined by childrenwho impertinently threatened to report them to ahigher authority, yet few adults could point to a specificexample of this actually happening.4. Adults are aspiring to create compliant children.Most adults reported that the long-term outcomesought from “punishing” children was to create acompliant child who deferred to authority. Theywanted to create children who would repay adults’“investment” in them and promote traditional values.Many adults anxiously believed that their children maybe subscribing to a radically different value system(often referred to as “modern”) and, as a result, wouldundermine the traditional culture that the parentsdeeply cherished.5. The dialogue around children’s rights hasbeen experienced as confrontational and outof-context.While there is broad awareness among adults ofthe rhetoric of children’s rights, there is also muchmisunderstanding. Most adults had been simplytold about children’s rights rather than helped tounderstand how it could lead to a more fruitful adultchildrelationship, how they could practically integratethe concept into their lived experiences. This perhaps isthe greatest challenge and successfully addressing thisissue could unlock the barriers that have limited manychild rights interventions.90 Part Three Adults’ Rationale

6. Adults believe in a hierarchy of violence.Adults tended to punish based on their personalranking of the severity of each punishment. Caningand shouting were seen as less injurious than tyingup or burning, and were therefore commonly used.Humiliation was often seen as less severe than beating,and shaming was seen as subtler than inducing fear.7. Adults claim jurisdiction over children.Adults as a group believed that they had absolutedomain over children. Parents, in particular, insisted thatthey expected unconditional obedience and deference.Furthermore, other adults also demanded immediatesubmission from children. They saw punishment as alegitimate exercise of adults’ higher status, if childrenwere not behaving in the way the adult expected.8. There exists a disjuncture between declaredintention and practice.Most adults claimed that the intention of punishingchildren was to guide their development and behaviour.However, many adults did not take a systematicapproach and often simply reacted with anger on anad hoc basis to the perceived misbehaviour. Oftenthe same behaviour on the part of the child elicitedradically different responses from the adult, and oftenadults did not do the more difficult work of helpingchildren see the error in their behaviour.9. Women were more likely to be the day-to-daydisciplinarians.Generally, children interact more frequently with theirmothers who supervised their assigned chores. Theywere also more likely to approach their mothers orstepmothers with requests for their needs. As a result,mothers generally tended to administer punishmentsmore frequently. Fathers, when they did get involved,tended to administer the punishment more severely.10. Chain from father to mother to children.Many children experienced violence from motherswho were being abused by the fathers. Stepchildrenfrequently reported being abused by stepmothers whoresented their father bringing an additional “burden”to the family. Also, women often denied childrenmoney for their basic needs if the father reneged on hiscontribution to the family’s budget.11. Adults express clear indignation about sexualabuse of younger children, but not olderchildren.There was a unanimous condemnation of the sexualabuse of younger children. Most adults felt that it wasa repugnant act and often talked about it as happeningin a neighbouring community rather than their own.However, there was a marked difference when theabuse in question was directed at older children,particularly girls. This, while not explicitly condoned,was tolerated with resignation and, occasionally, withnervous complicity.12. Adults feel conflicted regarding the efficacyof violence.Many adults admitted to harbouring ambivalenceregarding the efficacy of using violence to changethe behaviour of children. However, they said theycontinued using it because they could not see clearalternatives. “If not beating then what?” was a commonrefrain.13. Adults are not a monolithic group withhomogeneous views.A variety of contradictory views exist, even within thesame individual. Many adults are struggling to makesense of what they believe and how it should influencetheir actions. Some hold contradictory beliefs regardingviolence against children and feel conflicted regardinghow to reconcile these beliefs. For example manyproponents of ‘moderate beating’ of children alsoadmit that most of the time adults are simply reactingto children rather than engaged in guiding them.Many had an unreliable grasp of what is moderatepunishment and in the grip of anger found it difficult toretain a clear perspective. These adults struggle withthe dilemma and need help to find a resolution.Part Three Adults’ Rationale 91

92Part Four Recommendations

PART FOURRecommendationsWHAT WOULD IT TAKE TO PREVENTVIOLENCE AGAINST CHILDREN?Through analysis ofkey findings, thissections highlights keyrecommendations for thefollowing six groups ofduty-bearers.Policy MakersSchool AdmnistratorsCivil SocietyChildrenLocal Government OfficialsCommunity MembersDevelopment PartnersPart Four of this report proposes keyrecommendations for various duty beares. It endswith a final call for action to prevent violenceagainst children.Part Four Recommendations 93

Violence against children manifests inmany forms. It has become normalizedand entrenched in how we relatewith children and therefore a holistic,multifaceted, long-term, and acomprehensive response is required toaddress this problem.What does this mean inpractice?First, we must insist that children play a centraland a meaningful role in all the efforts aimed ataddressing violence against them. They mustbe protagonists for their own cause and theirexperience, views and ideas must form an integralpart of any intervention aimed at preventingviolence against them. We must learn new ways oflistening to them and learning from them.Second, we must recognize that adults are not theenemy. It would be a profound mistake to developinterventions based on divisive models that castadults as retrograde individuals with little or nosympathy for children. Many adults are operatingunder intense pressures, immersed in a beliefsystem that propagates the status quo. They needto be convinced that creating alternative modelsof the adult-child relationship is in their bestinterests as much as children’s, and that the currentmodel is serving neither.Third, we need to focus attention on preventingviolence against children rather than simplyresponding with palliative or punitive action. Afocus on prevention involves working with a broadcross section of the community and using practicaland pragmatic programs to reassess children’ssocial status and value as human beings.Fourth, we need to develop the infrastructurethat will allow alternative models of the adultchildrelationship to flourish. Developing thisinfrastructure requires the establishment ofcommunity-based responses and supportmechanisms and the development of local capacityto promote alternatives and provoke discussions.Fifth, we need long-term strategies that addressthe problem on many fronts and in gradation. Ourresponses should recognize that influencing deepseatedperspectives requires a progressive ongoingengagement that promotes dialogue rather thana series of random, fragmented interventions thatprescribe solutions and attack adults. Adults needlong-term support to resolve their conflicted beliefsabout how best to relate with the children they careabout.Any action based on the following recommendationsmust embody these central principles. Thefollowing recommendations reflect the observationsof the researchers and the analysis of the findings.These recommendations target six groups ofduty-bearers: policy makers, school administrators,civil society organizations, children, local governmentofficials and community members, and developmentpartners.1. Policy Makers1.1 COMPREHENSIVE CHILD-CENTRICLEGISLATIONDevelop comprehensive child-centric legislation 19that would legally protect children from all forms ofviolence, including physical, sexual, and economicviolence, as well as many forms of emotional19While the Children Act, Cap 59 is a step in the right direction, it needs to be strengthened to address preventative aspects of violence against children andparticularly violence against children in schools. Several other bills pending, including Domestic Relations Bill should incorporate children’s concerns about violenceagainst them. Sexual Offences Bill should ensure that sexual violence against children, including boys, is treated as a specific offence, as opposed to an assault.94Part Four Recommendations

violence. The legislation should include allprovisions of the UNCRC and prescribe clear actionwhen these rights are denied to children. It shouldensure that sufficient resources and mechanisms arein place to respond to children who need to accessthe protection provided in this legislation.1.2 ACCOUNTABILITY OF LOCALGOVERNMENTEnsure resources are allocated and mechanismsare established to train, on an ongoing basis,Local Council 1 leaders (LC1) and the Secretary forChildren’s Affairs (SCA) on how to fulfil their rolesas promoters of children’s rights, including takinga proactive interest in children’s welfare, exercisingthe full power vested in them by the law to respondto children’s concerns, and reporting on all actionsthey have taken to protect children. 201.3 INVEST IN PROBATION OFFICERSEnsure that there is sufficient investment in theDistrict Probation Officers so that they are able tomeaningfully respond to children’s needs. Apartfrom building skills, it is crucial that budgetaryallocations are sufficient to enable them toundertake meaningful outreach in their districts.1.4 POLICY DIRECTIVES FOR SCHOOLSSend each school a binding policy statement thatarticulates the responsibility of the administrationto ensure that all children are protected fromviolence. This statement should outline the stepsthe administration is required to take in the case ofa staff member contravening the policy. It shouldoutline a mandatory child-friendly process inwhich children learn about the policy and it shouldrequest an annual progress report from each schoolregarding compliance with the policy. 211.5 AN OMBUDSPERSON DEDICATED TOTAKE ACTION ON VIOLENCE AGAINSTCHILDRENEstablish an independent ombudsperson whois mandated by the Government of Uganda toreach out to children regarding their experiencesof violence, and who reports to the civil societyas well as a parliamentary committee regardingcompliance with established policy as well as holdvarious duty-bearers accountable through thepower of the law.1.6 GUIDELINES ON CHILDREN ANDLABOURCommission a study on how children’s labour isused by their schools and families, including ananalysis of how children are involved in makingwater accessible to their families and the healthconsequences for children who are made to carryheavy loads. Develop guidelines on children andlabour based on the results of the study. 221.7 FREE LUNCH AND REDUCED COSTS ATSCHOOLSAmend the policy around Universal PrimaryEducation to make provisions for all students tohave access to free lunch at school. In addition,uniforms and shoes should be encouraged, butlack of these amenities should not disqualify a childfrom attending school. No child should be requiredto make an additional contribution to be able toremain in school.20Local Council 1 leaders as well as the Secretary for Children’s Affairs are key actors who have been vested with the power to protect children at a local level. However,they are often unaware of their responsibility and frequently end up undermining children’s interests.21The Commissioner of Education issued a circular in 1997 that explicitly restricts administration of corporal punishment to the head teacher, as a last resort. Althoughthis circular has helped in raising awareness of the violence against children in schools, there is considerable flouting of the directive. A follow-up action with clear backingof the Ministry of Education and Sports is needed to reinforce the message.22This study could be coordinated by the Working Children’s Unit. Furthermore, there are initiatives planned or inplace such as Plan of Action on Working Children which could promote these guidelines .Part Four Recommendations 95

2. School Administrators2.1 CODE OF CONDUCTDevelop a Code of Conduct at your school towhich all staff and the administration are requiredto adhere, including a written directive on whathappens when a staff member contravenes thecode.2.2 STUDENT COUNCILEstablish a Student Council in your school thatrepresents all students, reports students’ concernsto the administration, and advocates on students’behalf. The Student Council should consist ofelected students trained to discharge their dutiesas representatives.2.3 POLICY AGAINST VIOLENCECreate a written policy against violence inschool that emphasizes the responsibility ofadministrators and teachers regarding adultto-studentviolence, inappropriate disciplining,and violence between students (bullying). Postthe policy on public notice boards within theschool. Write an annual report regarding theimplementation of the policy, and submit it to theStudent Council for comment.2.4 TEACHER TRAININGEnsure teachers receive training on the alternativesto corporal punishment, the consequences fordisobeying the school’s policy against violence,and how to protect students from older children orother teachers inflicting violence.2.5 SUPPORT TO CHILDRENKeep at least one teacher on staff at all times whohas training in how to respond to and supportchildren who are experiencing violence. Childrenshould be assured that this service is confidentialand will respect their wishes regarding action to betaken.3. Civil Society Organizations(NGOs, CBOs, FBOs, etc.)3.1 CHILDREN’S CAPACITYDevelop children’s capacity to assume a meaningfulrole in preventing violence against them. Thiscould be done by sponsoring training, creatingforums within which children’s views are solicited,or developing communication materials that impartknowledge and skills.3.2 ADVOCACYAdvocate for child-centric policies and policyframeworks at a national and local level thataddress prevention of violence against children.3.3 CHILD-CENTRIC COALITIONAssemble a coalition of child-centric organizationsto focus attention on the issue of violence againstchildren. This coalition could develop a long-termstrategic plan to comprehensively address theissue.3.4 BUDGET ANALYSISAnalyse resource allocation in the national budgetthrough the lens of the prevention of violenceagainst children.3.5 NATIONAL AWARENESS CAMPAIGNMount a national awareness-raising campaignthrough the media as well as through existinginfrastructure.96Part Four Recommendations

3.6 RESEARCHCommission research that collects child-centricinformation on violence against children, withspecific implications for policy and practice.3.7 LOCAL INFRASTRUCTUREInvest in developing local infrastructure to respondto children experiencing violence. This workincludes developing capacity at a local level andencouraging local mechanisms to respond tochildren’s needs regarding violence against them.3.12 NATIONAL VOICE FOR CHILDRENStrengthen the status and capacity of a nationalbody such as National Children’s Council, thatspeaks-out with a credible voice on the issue ofviolence against children.4. Children4.1 CHILDREN SUPPORT EACH OTHERRespect all children and listen to them. Help yourfriends, fellow students or your neighbours who areexperiencing violence.3.8 SUPPORT TO SCHOOLSDevelop a conceptual framework for child-friendlyschools that could be widely implemented,including a model policy against violence. Supporta selected number of schools in demonstrating theimplementation of this framework.4.2 WORK WITH LOCAL ORGANISATIONSApproach a local organisation (NGO or CBO) tohelp you work with your teachers to develop rulesabout how corporal punishment is used in yourschool.3.9 NATIONAL EXPERTISEEstablish a national pool of trained resourcepersons who could support violence preventioninitiatives in various parts of the country.4.3 TEACH OTHERSLearn from local child friendly organisations aboutways to avoid violence at home and at school andteach other children about it.3.10 ANNUAL EVENTImplement an annual event to increase supportnationwide for the elimination of violence againstchildren, at which an annual report on the nation’sprogress would be made public.3.11 TOOL DEVELOPMENTDevelop programmatic tools that enable a widerange of practitioners to work efficiently to preventviolence against children.4.4 BECOME INVOLVEDLearn about the consequences of violence onchildren and talk to adults, teachers and otherchildren about how it is hurting everyone.4.5 DISCUSSION CLUBSStart a discussion club of children at school orin your neighbourhood about violence againstchildren. Discuss how it happens, who commits it,how it makes children feel, how you can supporteach other and what action can you take aschildren to prevent it.Part Four Recommendations 97

4.6 CHILDREN’S COMMITTEEOrganize a committee of children in your schoolor neighbourhood that will hold children who bullyother children accountable. Involve teachers orLC1 leaders to help you set it up.4.7 SPEAK OUTWrite a letter to the editor of a newspaper orprobation officers drawing attention to violencethat may be occurring in your community.4.8 LEARN MOREAsk your teacher to talk to your class aboutviolence and how it affects children and what canbe done to prevent it.4.9 SAFETY FIRSTRemember in all these actions, your safety mustcome first. Seek help from others if you feel youare in danger.5. Local GovernmentOfficials and CommunityMembers5.1 AWARENESS GROUPLead the local community in establishing anawareness group that advocates on behalf ofchildren experiencing violence.5.2 MONITORING BY PROBATION OFFICERSEnsure the probation officer meets regularly withthe LC1 and the SCA to ascertain the status ofchildren within their area and to remain vigilant forvulnerable children.5.3 REFERRAL MECHANISMEstablish a referral mechanism at a local level, to beled by the probation officer, to ensure that childrenwho want to report violence have options.5.4 COMMUNITY DIALOGUESEnsure the probation officer, in collaboration withthe SCA and the LC1, holds regular communitydialogues during which violence against children isdiscussed, including the exploitation of children’slabour at home and at school.5.5 SUPPORT TO PARENTSEncourage neighbours and elders to counselparents who are violent towards their children andto discuss with these parents the alternatives toviolence.5.6 RELIGIOUS INTERVENTIONInvolve religious leaders in preventing violenceagainst children.5.7 PROTESTSIn cases of egregious violence, organize a protestwith leadership from the SCA, and implore policeto take action.5.8 SEXUAL HARASSMENT ZEROTOLERANCE CAMPAIGNIn collaboration with the police and schooladministration, mount a zero tolerance campaignagainst sexual harassment in the streets, schools,and homes.98Part Four Recommendations

5.9 COMMUNITY SENSITISATIONIntroduce outreach projects through which thepolice, probation officers, LC1 and SCA proactivelysensitise the community about violence againstchildren.6.5 CAPACITY FOR BUDGET ANALYSISDevelop the capacity of the government as well asthe civil society to analyse the national budget andresource allocation for the prevention of violenceagainst children.6. Development Partners(donors, cooperatingagencies, etc.)6.1 POLICY FRAMEWORKSponsor a multi-agency collaborative process thatdevelops a holistic policy framework for preventingviolence against children.6.2 10-YEAR PLANSponsor development of a comprehensive 10-yearnational plan to address violence against children.6.6 SUPPORT FOR DATA COLLECTION ANDRESEARCHSupport initiatives to collect, analyse, anddisseminate information regarding violenceagainst children and its consequences. Encourageacademic institutions to undertake research onviolence against children.6.7 ENABLE LOCAL ACTIVISMSupport community based initiatives that responddirectly to children as well as work at the local levelto prevent violence against children.6.3 FORUMSCreate regular forums for broader discussion ofviolence against children.6.4 POLICY INITIATIVESEncourage policy initiatives that address violenceagainst children. Work closely with the Ministry ofEducation and Sports to develop a comprehensivepolicy and action plan to address violence againstchildren in schools. Work with the Ministry ofGender, Labour and Social Development to addressviolence against children within the home.Part Four Recommendations 99

FINAL WORDNo other form of violence has the social legitimacy or tacit consent associated with violence against children.In every strata of society, within every political view, from the educated and the affluent to the illiterate and theimpoverished, the tolerance of violence against children is pervasive. A large section of the adult populationsees children as instruments of their elders’ will, as right holders in waiting, as having to pay the price ofobedience and subservience for their reliance on adult support. This power-based construction of the adultchildrelationship has become the engine that perpetuates violence against children.We live in a society where more than 90 percent of the children consulted from diverse backgrounds said theyhave experienced violence at the hands of people who are supposed to be the guardians of their rights. Athird of these children reported that they experience violence at least once a week, and a half of those saidthey experience it regularly. Yet there is no public outcry or a clearly organized movement to change thisreality. Parents and teachers continue to violate children despite deep in their hearts knowing that it is notteaching the child anything except fear and shame.Can we continue operating within the status quo, oppressing a vast number of human beings on a daily basisand yet ignore its potential consequences? Does it not stand to reason that these children will learn thataggression is normal and that violence is an acceptable way of getting your way? Uganda, and indeed theworld, has had a history of violent conflicts in which individuals have too quickly decided that violence is anacceptable way of resolving differences and imposing ones’ will on others.We are at a critical moment. Worldwide momentum is gathering and political will is being generated toaddress violence against children. We have an historic opportunity to truly influence the experience ofchildhood for all the children of Uganda. The question is, will we respond to this challenge?100 Part Four Recommendations

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