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China's Involvement in the Vietnam War, 1964-69* Chen Jian

China's Involvement in the Vietnam War, 1964-69* Chen Jian

China's Involvement in the Vietnam War, 1964-69* Chen Jian

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380 The Ch<strong>in</strong>a Quarterlyand <strong>the</strong> South. Moreover, Beij<strong>in</strong>g's support, as both Allen Whit<strong>in</strong>g andJohn Garver have po<strong>in</strong>ted out, played a role <strong>in</strong> deterr<strong>in</strong>g fur<strong>the</strong>r Americanexpansion of war <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> North.79 It is <strong>the</strong>refore fair to say that, althoughBeij<strong>in</strong>g's support may have been short of Hanoi's expectations, without<strong>the</strong> support, <strong>the</strong> history, even <strong>the</strong> outcome, of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Vietnam</strong> <strong>War</strong> mighthave been different.The Widen<strong>in</strong>g Gap between Beij<strong>in</strong>g and Hanoi, 1966-69Any analysis of <strong>Ch<strong>in</strong>a's</strong> <strong>in</strong>volvement <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Vietnam</strong> <strong>War</strong> must ultimatelyaddress a s<strong>in</strong>gle, crucial question: why did Beij<strong>in</strong>g and Hanoienter <strong>the</strong> war as close allies - "bro<strong>the</strong>rly comrades" <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> oft-repeatedwords of Ho Chi M<strong>in</strong>h - yet became bitter adversaries a few short yearsafter <strong>the</strong> war's conclusion?In retrospect, <strong>the</strong> foundations of <strong>the</strong> co-operation between Beij<strong>in</strong>g andHanoi <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1960s proved tenuous as <strong>the</strong> considerations underly<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>irrespective policies were driven by dist<strong>in</strong>ct priorities. While how to unify<strong>the</strong>ir country by w<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> war was for <strong>the</strong> <strong>Vietnam</strong>ese <strong>the</strong> overrid<strong>in</strong>gaim, <strong>the</strong> orientation of <strong>Ch<strong>in</strong>a's</strong> <strong>Vietnam</strong> strategy, as discussed earlier, hadto <strong>in</strong>clude such complicated factors as Mao's desire to use <strong>the</strong> <strong>Vietnam</strong>conflict to promote <strong>Ch<strong>in</strong>a's</strong> "cont<strong>in</strong>uous revolution." Not surpris<strong>in</strong>gly,when large numbers of Ch<strong>in</strong>ese eng<strong>in</strong>eer<strong>in</strong>g and anti-aircraft artillerytroops entered <strong>Vietnam</strong> <strong>in</strong> late 1965, problems between <strong>the</strong> two countriesbegan to develop. As <strong>the</strong> <strong>Vietnam</strong> <strong>War</strong> went on, differences of op<strong>in</strong>ionsturned <strong>in</strong>to friction, sometimes confrontation. The strifes between <strong>the</strong>Communist neighbours cont<strong>in</strong>ued to escalate until Beij<strong>in</strong>g, offended byHanoi's decision to beg<strong>in</strong> negotiations with <strong>the</strong> United States <strong>in</strong> Paris,recalled all its troops from <strong>Vietnam</strong>.The first sign of disharmony appeared over differences regard<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>role that <strong>the</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese troops were to play <strong>in</strong> <strong>Vietnam</strong> and <strong>the</strong> properrelationship between Ch<strong>in</strong>ese troops and local <strong>Vietnam</strong>ese. When Ch<strong>in</strong>esetroops entered <strong>Vietnam</strong>, <strong>the</strong>y were exhorted to "use every opportunityto serve <strong>the</strong> <strong>Vietnam</strong>ese people." The underly<strong>in</strong>g assumption wasthat <strong>Ch<strong>in</strong>a's</strong> support to <strong>Vietnam</strong> was not only a military task, but also apolitical mission. It was <strong>the</strong>refore important for Ch<strong>in</strong>ese soldiers to playa model role while <strong>in</strong> <strong>Vietnam</strong>, thus promot<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> image of Ch<strong>in</strong>a as agreat example of proletarian <strong>in</strong>ternationalism. Efforts to put such pr<strong>in</strong>ciples<strong>in</strong>to practice, however, were often thwarted by <strong>Vietnam</strong>ese authorities.The Ch<strong>in</strong>ese units found that <strong>the</strong> service <strong>the</strong>y <strong>in</strong>tended to provide tolocal <strong>Vietnam</strong>ese people, especially that offered by Ch<strong>in</strong>ese medicalteams, was <strong>in</strong>tentionally blocked by <strong>Vietnam</strong>ese officials.80 Several such<strong>in</strong>cidents were reported to Mao <strong>in</strong> late August 1965, only two monthsafter <strong>the</strong> first Ch<strong>in</strong>ese units had entered <strong>Vietnam</strong>. Mao <strong>the</strong>n <strong>in</strong>structed79. Whit<strong>in</strong>g, The Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Calculus of Deterrence, pp. 194-95; and Garver, "S<strong>in</strong>o-<strong>Vietnam</strong>eseconflict and <strong>the</strong> S<strong>in</strong>o-American rapprochement," pp. 447-48.80. Wang Xiangen, Kang Mei yuanyue shilu, pp. 61-72.

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