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Opinion 13<br />

<strong>DT</strong><br />

THURSDAY, APRIL 6, <strong>2017</strong><br />

They’ll be<br />

watching you<br />

Is it the government’s job to act like a<br />

parent?<br />

• Fardin Hasin<br />

Iain Mcleod was not the<br />

most memorable of British<br />

conservatives being credited<br />

with the rapid collapse of<br />

Britain’s African empire while<br />

serving as secretary of state for the<br />

colonies (a now-defunct ministry).<br />

This didn’t really matter to Iain.<br />

He understood that imperialism<br />

was over, and any attempt to hold<br />

on to it would only damage Great<br />

Britain.<br />

History proved him right.<br />

But my point is neither about<br />

the politician-journalist nor<br />

about decolonisation. It’s about<br />

something he wrote in late 1965<br />

while serving as the editor of The<br />

Spectator (a British conservative<br />

magazine) about a government<br />

that intrudes into the privacy of<br />

ordinary citizens through invasive<br />

means and enacts draconian<br />

solutions to run-of-the-mill<br />

problems.<br />

More specifically, Iain was<br />

talking about the plans to restrict<br />

the speed limit to 112km/h.<br />

While we Bangladeshis have<br />

seen enough deaths on roads to<br />

desire such measures, Iain, being<br />

the citizen of a more systematic<br />

country, found them “illogical,<br />

patronising, and paternalistic.”<br />

To him, it seemed a path only the<br />

“nanny state” (a state which views<br />

its citizens “inherently incapable”<br />

of driving at 130km/h) would take.<br />

What other things would the<br />

nanny state do?<br />

Flood the cell phones of its<br />

citizens with messages one after<br />

another about how all boilers<br />

should be run by expert and legal<br />

(read: “licensed”) boiler operators,<br />

or that sustainable development<br />

is only possible if we are always<br />

prepared for (natural) disasters,<br />

undertake various awareness<br />

campaigns over issues that the<br />

public ought to understand quite<br />

well by now (if the masses still<br />

don’t realise why killing infant<br />

hilsha fish is a bad thing, I fear<br />

they never will).<br />

On a side note, the police<br />

helpline initiative sounds quite<br />

good actually; and so do the<br />

messages about how child<br />

marriage must be prevented at any<br />

cost.<br />

The rest of it is still<br />

irremediable. It’s been about time<br />

-- if the public hasn’t learned yet,<br />

let it go. Wait, don’t let it go, just<br />

enact the existing laws. Is that too<br />

much to ask?<br />

Seems like, in Bangladesh, it<br />

is. Someone somewhere up the<br />

ladder thinks it’s a brilliant idea to<br />

send messages.<br />

That a privileged Dhaka city<br />

teenager has nothing whatsoever<br />

to do with infant hilsha fish and<br />

that a pharmacy store-owner in<br />

a distant Rangpur haat bazaar<br />

doesn’t really care about jute<br />

seems to be lost in transition.<br />

Some of the people who do<br />

catch infant hilsha fish and drive<br />

recklessly don’t even know how to<br />

read cell phone messages. A few<br />

of them don’t even own mobile<br />

phones.<br />

But who cares about results.<br />

People are indeed becoming<br />

aware, not all of them but some,<br />

over and over again, and again,<br />

and again, and again.<br />

Then there’s the question of<br />

nationalised culture and religion.<br />

Banning Facebook<br />

and policing book<br />

fairs are the most<br />

luminous examples.<br />

Once you get to the<br />

Digital Security Act<br />

2016, it stops getting<br />

even remotely funny<br />

State-regulated khutbas and<br />

mongol shovajatras (good thing the<br />

former was cancelled).<br />

It seems as though past<br />

failures of command economy<br />

and command politics have been<br />

forgotten and now we have its<br />

replacements with command<br />

culture and command religion.<br />

This point requires deep analysis<br />

on its own right.<br />

And that’s just the tip of the<br />

iceberg. You dig a bit deeper and a<br />

newer set of draconian measures<br />

come into our view. Banning<br />

Facebook and policing book fairs<br />

are the most luminous examples,<br />

Internet time is a private matter<br />

and then there was the rumour<br />

going on that list of visitors of porn<br />

sites will be publicly disclosed.<br />

Once you get to the Digital<br />

Security Act 2016, it stops getting<br />

even remotely funny. Phrases<br />

like “subject to any reasonable<br />

restrictions” raise many questions,<br />

namely as to whose reason it<br />

would be and what would be the<br />

extent of such restrictions.<br />

The government has<br />

intentionally left it all very<br />

ambiguous. Except the clause<br />

which allows the Directorate<br />

General of the Digital Security<br />

Agency (agencies that China and<br />

North Korea have too) to bypass<br />

court orders. That part is crystal<br />

clear.<br />

Now, this sort of legislation is<br />

derived both out of a morbid and<br />

often violent desire to control<br />

and direct the population, and<br />

an innate but equally destructive<br />

belief that the public does not<br />

possess the necessary wisdom to<br />

survive out in the tough world.<br />

And it also needs controlled<br />

democracy, which allows them<br />

freedom over a certain spectrum.<br />

Anyone and everyone who<br />

disagrees is an enemy of the state,<br />

and must be crushed at any cost.<br />

A wide variety of leaders<br />

across the spectrum ascribed to<br />

this ideology. Some of them were<br />

revolutionaries (Fidel Castro),<br />

others were nationalists (Mahathir<br />

Mohammad or Lee Kuan Yew), and<br />

a considerable bunch represented<br />

the military junta (General Ziaul<br />

Haq or Augusto Pinochet). A few<br />

countries did achieve considerable<br />

development this way.<br />

At the cost of a suppressed<br />

democracy, that is.<br />

Yes, Malaysia has developed at<br />

an amazing rate, but we should<br />

keep in mind that Anwar Ibrahim,<br />

the Malaysian politician and leader<br />

of the opposition party, is still in<br />

jail.<br />

The case of Singapore is even<br />

better, except for the people who<br />

opposed Lee Kuan Yew and were<br />

sued into oblivion using taxpayer<br />

money.<br />

The two countries are still<br />

examples of progress. But they<br />

are also examples of suppressed<br />

democracy. There are states in the<br />

world which have taken a lot more<br />

time to achieve the same things,<br />

but have done so without sending<br />

the opposition to jail on absurd<br />

charges.<br />

Bottom line: Economic<br />

development shouldn’t come<br />

at the expense of civil rights.<br />

There’s a reason they call it<br />

sustainable development. Josip<br />

Tito’s Yugoslavia seemed to have<br />

it all going well, but it all collapsed<br />

BIGSTOCK<br />

within a few years of his death.<br />

But the case of Bangladesh<br />

is even more complex, it’s not<br />

just economic development that<br />

the government is promising,<br />

but also security against the real<br />

threat of terrorism. While we keep<br />

hearing about how bad the threat<br />

is, we are seldom told the cost of<br />

this protection. We are not told<br />

because we wouldn’t understand,<br />

because somebody somewhere<br />

prioritises our safety over our<br />

choices, without understanding<br />

either.<br />

One only needs to remember<br />

the Rampal issue and subtle<br />

comments from government<br />

officials implying that the public<br />

was misunderstanding the<br />

environmental question -- to<br />

understand that the public will<br />

forever be considered as naïve,<br />

ignorant, and uninformed, and<br />

the government will forever be the<br />

parent, the leader, the decider.<br />

Struck between its inability<br />

to be politically aroused and an<br />

inability of the political opposition<br />

to provide the least amount<br />

of stimulus, the Bangladeshi<br />

masses will, for the unforeseeable<br />

future, play obedient children to<br />

unreasonably stern parents. That<br />

is to say, they will suffer. •<br />

Fardin Hasin is a freelance contributor.

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