DT e-Paper 06 April 2017
You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
Opinion 13<br />
<strong>DT</strong><br />
THURSDAY, APRIL 6, <strong>2017</strong><br />
They’ll be<br />
watching you<br />
Is it the government’s job to act like a<br />
parent?<br />
• Fardin Hasin<br />
Iain Mcleod was not the<br />
most memorable of British<br />
conservatives being credited<br />
with the rapid collapse of<br />
Britain’s African empire while<br />
serving as secretary of state for the<br />
colonies (a now-defunct ministry).<br />
This didn’t really matter to Iain.<br />
He understood that imperialism<br />
was over, and any attempt to hold<br />
on to it would only damage Great<br />
Britain.<br />
History proved him right.<br />
But my point is neither about<br />
the politician-journalist nor<br />
about decolonisation. It’s about<br />
something he wrote in late 1965<br />
while serving as the editor of The<br />
Spectator (a British conservative<br />
magazine) about a government<br />
that intrudes into the privacy of<br />
ordinary citizens through invasive<br />
means and enacts draconian<br />
solutions to run-of-the-mill<br />
problems.<br />
More specifically, Iain was<br />
talking about the plans to restrict<br />
the speed limit to 112km/h.<br />
While we Bangladeshis have<br />
seen enough deaths on roads to<br />
desire such measures, Iain, being<br />
the citizen of a more systematic<br />
country, found them “illogical,<br />
patronising, and paternalistic.”<br />
To him, it seemed a path only the<br />
“nanny state” (a state which views<br />
its citizens “inherently incapable”<br />
of driving at 130km/h) would take.<br />
What other things would the<br />
nanny state do?<br />
Flood the cell phones of its<br />
citizens with messages one after<br />
another about how all boilers<br />
should be run by expert and legal<br />
(read: “licensed”) boiler operators,<br />
or that sustainable development<br />
is only possible if we are always<br />
prepared for (natural) disasters,<br />
undertake various awareness<br />
campaigns over issues that the<br />
public ought to understand quite<br />
well by now (if the masses still<br />
don’t realise why killing infant<br />
hilsha fish is a bad thing, I fear<br />
they never will).<br />
On a side note, the police<br />
helpline initiative sounds quite<br />
good actually; and so do the<br />
messages about how child<br />
marriage must be prevented at any<br />
cost.<br />
The rest of it is still<br />
irremediable. It’s been about time<br />
-- if the public hasn’t learned yet,<br />
let it go. Wait, don’t let it go, just<br />
enact the existing laws. Is that too<br />
much to ask?<br />
Seems like, in Bangladesh, it<br />
is. Someone somewhere up the<br />
ladder thinks it’s a brilliant idea to<br />
send messages.<br />
That a privileged Dhaka city<br />
teenager has nothing whatsoever<br />
to do with infant hilsha fish and<br />
that a pharmacy store-owner in<br />
a distant Rangpur haat bazaar<br />
doesn’t really care about jute<br />
seems to be lost in transition.<br />
Some of the people who do<br />
catch infant hilsha fish and drive<br />
recklessly don’t even know how to<br />
read cell phone messages. A few<br />
of them don’t even own mobile<br />
phones.<br />
But who cares about results.<br />
People are indeed becoming<br />
aware, not all of them but some,<br />
over and over again, and again,<br />
and again, and again.<br />
Then there’s the question of<br />
nationalised culture and religion.<br />
Banning Facebook<br />
and policing book<br />
fairs are the most<br />
luminous examples.<br />
Once you get to the<br />
Digital Security Act<br />
2016, it stops getting<br />
even remotely funny<br />
State-regulated khutbas and<br />
mongol shovajatras (good thing the<br />
former was cancelled).<br />
It seems as though past<br />
failures of command economy<br />
and command politics have been<br />
forgotten and now we have its<br />
replacements with command<br />
culture and command religion.<br />
This point requires deep analysis<br />
on its own right.<br />
And that’s just the tip of the<br />
iceberg. You dig a bit deeper and a<br />
newer set of draconian measures<br />
come into our view. Banning<br />
Facebook and policing book fairs<br />
are the most luminous examples,<br />
Internet time is a private matter<br />
and then there was the rumour<br />
going on that list of visitors of porn<br />
sites will be publicly disclosed.<br />
Once you get to the Digital<br />
Security Act 2016, it stops getting<br />
even remotely funny. Phrases<br />
like “subject to any reasonable<br />
restrictions” raise many questions,<br />
namely as to whose reason it<br />
would be and what would be the<br />
extent of such restrictions.<br />
The government has<br />
intentionally left it all very<br />
ambiguous. Except the clause<br />
which allows the Directorate<br />
General of the Digital Security<br />
Agency (agencies that China and<br />
North Korea have too) to bypass<br />
court orders. That part is crystal<br />
clear.<br />
Now, this sort of legislation is<br />
derived both out of a morbid and<br />
often violent desire to control<br />
and direct the population, and<br />
an innate but equally destructive<br />
belief that the public does not<br />
possess the necessary wisdom to<br />
survive out in the tough world.<br />
And it also needs controlled<br />
democracy, which allows them<br />
freedom over a certain spectrum.<br />
Anyone and everyone who<br />
disagrees is an enemy of the state,<br />
and must be crushed at any cost.<br />
A wide variety of leaders<br />
across the spectrum ascribed to<br />
this ideology. Some of them were<br />
revolutionaries (Fidel Castro),<br />
others were nationalists (Mahathir<br />
Mohammad or Lee Kuan Yew), and<br />
a considerable bunch represented<br />
the military junta (General Ziaul<br />
Haq or Augusto Pinochet). A few<br />
countries did achieve considerable<br />
development this way.<br />
At the cost of a suppressed<br />
democracy, that is.<br />
Yes, Malaysia has developed at<br />
an amazing rate, but we should<br />
keep in mind that Anwar Ibrahim,<br />
the Malaysian politician and leader<br />
of the opposition party, is still in<br />
jail.<br />
The case of Singapore is even<br />
better, except for the people who<br />
opposed Lee Kuan Yew and were<br />
sued into oblivion using taxpayer<br />
money.<br />
The two countries are still<br />
examples of progress. But they<br />
are also examples of suppressed<br />
democracy. There are states in the<br />
world which have taken a lot more<br />
time to achieve the same things,<br />
but have done so without sending<br />
the opposition to jail on absurd<br />
charges.<br />
Bottom line: Economic<br />
development shouldn’t come<br />
at the expense of civil rights.<br />
There’s a reason they call it<br />
sustainable development. Josip<br />
Tito’s Yugoslavia seemed to have<br />
it all going well, but it all collapsed<br />
BIGSTOCK<br />
within a few years of his death.<br />
But the case of Bangladesh<br />
is even more complex, it’s not<br />
just economic development that<br />
the government is promising,<br />
but also security against the real<br />
threat of terrorism. While we keep<br />
hearing about how bad the threat<br />
is, we are seldom told the cost of<br />
this protection. We are not told<br />
because we wouldn’t understand,<br />
because somebody somewhere<br />
prioritises our safety over our<br />
choices, without understanding<br />
either.<br />
One only needs to remember<br />
the Rampal issue and subtle<br />
comments from government<br />
officials implying that the public<br />
was misunderstanding the<br />
environmental question -- to<br />
understand that the public will<br />
forever be considered as naïve,<br />
ignorant, and uninformed, and<br />
the government will forever be the<br />
parent, the leader, the decider.<br />
Struck between its inability<br />
to be politically aroused and an<br />
inability of the political opposition<br />
to provide the least amount<br />
of stimulus, the Bangladeshi<br />
masses will, for the unforeseeable<br />
future, play obedient children to<br />
unreasonably stern parents. That<br />
is to say, they will suffer. •<br />
Fardin Hasin is a freelance contributor.