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We are all Rohingya<br />
The world has abandoned them, but Bangladesh must not<br />
Opinion 11<br />
<strong>DT</strong><br />
SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, <strong>2017</strong><br />
• K Anis Ahmed<br />
On August 26 of this year,<br />
Myanmar launched<br />
a fresh campaign of<br />
violence in its Western<br />
Rakhine province that killed<br />
hundreds of Rohingya civilians<br />
and displaced a staggering 100,000<br />
to neighbouring Bangladesh in<br />
barely two weeks.<br />
Myanmar forces unleashed<br />
such a carnage in response to<br />
sudden attacks carried out on<br />
August 25 by the self-styled<br />
Rohingya insurgent group ARSA<br />
(Arakan Rohingya Salvation<br />
Army). ARSA’s coordinated attacks<br />
on 24 police posts left 11 security<br />
personnel dead.<br />
No state would tolerate attacks<br />
on its security personnel. But to<br />
punish an entire community is<br />
never an acceptable response to<br />
aggression by a few. To turn those<br />
acts of aggression into a pretext<br />
for ethnic cleansing is to commit<br />
crimes against humanity.<br />
Many nations are rightly wary<br />
of non-state armed actors in the<br />
post-9/11 world order. However,<br />
it is important to remember<br />
that not all armed groups --<br />
especially those that fight only<br />
members of security forces who<br />
have a record of mass civilian<br />
killings -- are “extremists” or<br />
part of international terrorist<br />
conspiracies.<br />
Let us be clear at the outset in<br />
saying that neither Bangladesh<br />
-- nor Dhaka Tribune -- supports<br />
ARSA, nor do we condone its<br />
violent attacks. Indeed, the state<br />
of Bangladesh does not support<br />
separatist groups anywhere, least<br />
of all among its neighbours.<br />
But unfortunately, Myanmar’s<br />
allies China and India have been<br />
all too ready to go along with<br />
Myanmar’s demonstrably partial<br />
narrative. And so Bangladesh is<br />
compelled to stand apart on this<br />
issue, and also feeling the full<br />
brunt of Myanmar’s persecution<br />
of Rohingyas -- a far greater<br />
crime than ARSA’s ill-conceived<br />
adventure last month.<br />
Myanmar’s policy towards the<br />
Rohingyas is to clear them out<br />
entirely from their homeland,<br />
Rakhine province. It is possibly the<br />
most openly stated and diligently<br />
carried out ethnic purge of recent<br />
times. Thanks to this policy,<br />
Bangladesh has had to play host<br />
to Rohingya refugees in small<br />
numbers as far back as the late<br />
70s, and in substantial numbers<br />
since the early 90s, numbering up<br />
to half a million at times.<br />
The attacks today show signs of<br />
a new intensity. Reports of military<br />
and police personnel, at times with<br />
machete-wielding civilian militias<br />
in tow, are burning villages,<br />
hacking children, and shooting<br />
unarmed civilians. Bodies are<br />
floating up the Naf River bordering<br />
Myanmar and Bangladesh. Fleeing<br />
refugees have had their legs<br />
blown off by landmines laid by the<br />
Myanmar army on their side of the<br />
border.<br />
In the middle of such carnage,<br />
Narendra Modi, prime minister<br />
of India, went ahead with a prescheduled<br />
state visit to Myanmar,<br />
where he expressed full solidarity<br />
with the Myanmar state in their<br />
fight against “extremist violence.”<br />
But he said nothing about the<br />
killing of civilians.<br />
He stressed the importance of<br />
“unity and territorial integrity,”<br />
perhaps channeling Indian anxiety<br />
about their own separatists. But<br />
that may not be the only reason<br />
behind his distinctly one-sided<br />
statement.<br />
China and India have their own<br />
complex set of relationships in this<br />
region. India right now is shaken<br />
from its recent confrontation with<br />
China over the Doklam plateau<br />
in Bhutan. In the past decade,<br />
India has also tried to cultivate<br />
Myanmar, which fell into China’s<br />
orbit during its long sojourn as a<br />
pariah state.<br />
Yet as China has cozied up to<br />
India’s old ally of Bangladesh,<br />
India has felt the need to<br />
strengthen its ties with Myanmar<br />
as a hedge against China’s regional<br />
aspirations. Hence, it may look<br />
away as Myanmar conducts<br />
atrocities against its own citizens.<br />
Meanwhile, China as per its<br />
longstanding policies, doesn’t<br />
believe in chiding anyone over<br />
matters of human rights.<br />
Bangladesh fully shares the<br />
Indian and Chinese concerns<br />
about respecting the “unity and<br />
territorial integrity” of states.<br />
But to condone the wholesale<br />
killing of civilians in the name of<br />
fighting insurgents is not tolerable.<br />
Western powers, meanwhile, are<br />
sounding the right notes, but<br />
may no longer be in a position to<br />
outweigh the influence of regional<br />
heavies.<br />
The West is hardly guiltless<br />
in the plight of the Rohingyas.<br />
Western powers nurtured Aung<br />
San Suu Kyi as an icon of liberty<br />
back when Myanmar was a pariah<br />
coddled by the Russo-Chinese<br />
bloc. The West was so anxious to<br />
see Suu Kyi anointed a leader that<br />
they went along with a charade of<br />
democracy arranged by Myanmar’s<br />
military junta, ignoring both that<br />
there was no real transfer of power<br />
The greatest test of our humanity<br />
We must help them<br />
avoid the cruelest<br />
of fates: Becoming<br />
nothing<br />
taking place and the continuing<br />
tendency to commit gross human<br />
rights abuses by those powers. If<br />
anything, fronting a figure like Suu<br />
Kyi has made it easier and more<br />
attractive for the junta to carry on<br />
its long-running ethnic purge of<br />
the Rohingyas.<br />
If the West had been guilty of<br />
folly, then India and China are<br />
practicing realpolitik. India today<br />
is playing a role, incidentally, that<br />
America played in 1971 when the<br />
Nixon administration decided to<br />
let Pakistan have its genocide in<br />
Bangladesh as a price for access<br />
to China. Bangladesh was saved<br />
then by a pugnacious India -- and<br />
leaders like Bangabandhu Sheikh<br />
Mujibur Rahman, the founder of<br />
Bangladesh, and his iron-willed<br />
counterpart across the border,<br />
Indira Gandhi.<br />
In an acute irony of history,<br />
today it has fallen on Bangladesh,<br />
and Sheikh Mujib’s daughter<br />
Sheikh Hasina, prime minister<br />
now of Bangladesh, to give shelter<br />
to a people as desperate as we<br />
ourselves were in 1971.<br />
To shelter the Rohingyas will<br />
not be an easy task for Bangladesh.<br />
We are the most densely populated<br />
large nation of the world, and<br />
we have only recently graduated<br />
to lower middle-income status.<br />
What’s more, for a long time,<br />
many Bangladeshis remained wary<br />
of the Rohingyas.<br />
Many have argued that camps<br />
of destitute people would become<br />
a hive of criminal activity and<br />
upset the social balance of<br />
wherever they settled. What<br />
such prognoses get wrong is the<br />
causality; it’s not the poor who<br />
cause those crimes -- they become<br />
tools of the criminal, if they are<br />
not given adequate protection.<br />
Bangladesh, one of the biggest<br />
emigrant nations -- both legal and<br />
illegal -- cannot indulge in the kind<br />
of prejudice that they themselves<br />
face in many places where they<br />
seek a better livelihood. I confess<br />
that during a similar episode of<br />
violence against Rohingyas back in<br />
2012, I too had argued for keeping<br />
a tight border, fearing that an open<br />
border would only encourage more<br />
persecution. Such considerations<br />
were predicated on the world<br />
putting pressure on Myanmar to<br />
stop its policy of ethnocide.<br />
As we face a new reality today,<br />
where Myanmar seems intent not<br />
so much on killing a few to chase<br />
away the many, but to kill as many<br />
as they can, there is a sea-change<br />
in Bangladeshi public opinion in<br />
favour of assisting those fleeing<br />
imminent death.<br />
The signal for a new approach<br />
came right from the top when<br />
MAHMUD HOSSAIN OPU<br />
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina<br />
called for “humane” treatment<br />
at the border. As a result, despite<br />
an occasional show of pushing<br />
some refugees back by the border<br />
guards, the Rohingyas are allowed<br />
into Bangladesh by the thousands<br />
every day.<br />
At a time when the whole world<br />
has abandoned the Rohingyas, I<br />
personally no longer see housing<br />
them as a burden. Rather, I see it<br />
as a privilege. It’s not every day<br />
that one is called to play the role of<br />
saviour.<br />
It is the most sacred of duties,<br />
and the greatest test of our<br />
humanity. Where much bigger<br />
countries are unwilling to step up,<br />
it is a testament to the resilience<br />
and humanity of Bangladesh if<br />
we can play host to the Rohingyas<br />
-- without condescension, without<br />
prejudice, without resentment.<br />
Few writers of the 20th century<br />
have captured the terror of the<br />
sudden breach of order as well<br />
as VS Naipaul. In the bleak but<br />
unforgettable opening line to<br />
his novel A Bend in the River, he<br />
wrote: “The world is what it is.<br />
Men who are nothing, who allow<br />
themselves to become nothing,<br />
have no place in it.”<br />
The government and the people<br />
of Myanmar have decided that the<br />
Rohingyas are “nothing.” This is<br />
why we must give the Rohingyas<br />
shelter. We must help them avoid<br />
the cruelest of fates: Becoming<br />
nothing. No matter how cruel<br />
or indifferent the world, no one<br />
deserves to become nothing. •<br />
K Anis Ahmed is the publisher of the<br />
Dhaka Tribune and Bangla Tribune.