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Patients as Consumers - Harvard Law School

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MLR 106-4 Edit Format Document Hall Mich L Rev.doc<br />

wares like any merchant. 226 Second, drug prices are readily stated and<br />

readily disclosed before purch<strong>as</strong>e, 227 so that, unlike hospital prices,<br />

pharmaceutical prices reflect what many informed purch<strong>as</strong>ers will pay<br />

in arm’s length transactions. Third, people rarely make open-ended<br />

promises to pay for drugs; they pay on the spot. Plaintiffs who wish<br />

to recover money paid must show impropriety (e.g., actual duress or<br />

fraud), not just unfair terms. 228 Fourth, lower drug prices in other<br />

countries prove little about drug companies’ misbehavior, since<br />

market, social, and regulatory conditions elsewhere are different. 229<br />

Finally, drug companies’ market power derives mainly from federal<br />

patent law, to which the common law of contracts should defer.<br />

4. A Larger View of the Supervisory Doctrines<br />

We have discussed the supervisory doctrines separately, but they<br />

are closely related and mutually reinforcing. They address a common<br />

problem—the inefficiency and injustice created when ordinary<br />

and Cross-National Studies (1999), available at<br />

http://knowledge.wharton.upenn.edu/papers/154.pdf; Dawn Gencarelli, One Pill,<br />

Many Prices: Variation in Prescription Drug Prices in Selected Government<br />

Programs, Nat’l Health Pol’y F. Issue Brief, Aug. 29, 2005, available at<br />

http://www.nhpf.org/pdfs_ib/IB807_DrugPricing_08-29-05.pdf.<br />

226. Common law never regarded pharmacies <strong>as</strong> public callings, and<br />

physicians could always charge for medications even when law restricted them<br />

to honoraria for their own services. Crawford, supra note 194, at 392–95, 406-<br />

07.<br />

227. In our personal experience, pharmacies will take back<br />

prescription drugs if the customer balks at the price after the prescription<br />

h<strong>as</strong> been filled.<br />

228. See Hall v. Humana Hosp. Daytona Beach, 686 So. 2d 653, 657 (Fla.<br />

Dist. Ct. App. 1996) (holding that patients could no longer contest the<br />

re<strong>as</strong>onableness of a hospital bill when they paid it after treatment w<strong>as</strong><br />

completed and there were no elements of duress).<br />

229. Also, manufacturers say higher profits are necessary in the<br />

United States to permit them to sell drugs affordably to underdeveloped<br />

countries. If true, this global pricing strategy could be a socially<br />

progressive business strategy that courts should be loath to undermine. As<br />

Professor Epstein vividly explains:<br />

The key characteristic of all drug markets is high fixed costs<br />

for research and development and low marginal costs for each<br />

additional product unit. Stated in its most graphic form, it may<br />

take $1 billion to get the first pill to market, but only $1<br />

dollar to get the second. A system that wants all consumers to<br />

pay only the marginal cost of the pill that they consume works<br />

wonders for patients 2 through n. But who rushes to the head of<br />

the queue to pay $1 billion for the first pill? No one—yet the<br />

firm that cannot sell the first pill will not produce the second.<br />

Richard A. Epstein, Conflicts of Interest in Health Care: who guards the<br />

guardians?, 50 Persp. in Biology & Med. 72, 81 (2007).<br />

U of M <strong>Law</strong> <strong>School</strong> Publications Center, November 2, 2007, 12:51 PM<br />

Page 46

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