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International Legal Evangelism: Intelligence, Reconnaissance & Missions

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the challenge of climate change—might arise anyway, irrespective of our forms of<br />

mid-level political organization. As I said, many of these tasks are urgent, in the<br />

sense of immediately compelling. If we do not quickly organize to get them<br />

performed, they will not be performed: and great loss or harm may result.<br />

Responding to these challenges, I believe, requires some sort of cooperation<br />

through the medium of law and institutions, on an international scale. 91 One way or<br />

another, attention has to be paid to their performance. Responsibility must be<br />

taken for the overall discharge of the proper tasks of governance in the world at<br />

large, including the governing of relations between the entities that are taking<br />

responsibility for discharging the proper tasks of government in each particular<br />

country. That is the major premise.<br />

But my view is that a Christian will be in principle agnostic about the<br />

institutional facilities through which law operates to frame our discharge of these<br />

responsibilities.<br />

8. World government<br />

But should we not dismiss out of hand the prospect of world government? I<br />

wonder. If it turned out that order in the world could be secured, and could only be<br />

secured, under the auspices of empire, or a world state, or under the auspices of an<br />

international rule of law that preempted and crowded out national sovereignty, then<br />

we should presumably render unto Caesar (now in a more or less literal sense)<br />

whatever is necessary for Caesar to do the requisite work (unless that is<br />

incompatible with rendering unto God that which is God’s).<br />

Oliver O’Donovan maintains that Christians should oppose any such idea of<br />

world government. “In securing the total tradition of humanity, we are in a context<br />

in which it is out of place to invoke the commanding role of government,” though<br />

not, he adds, the commanding role of law. 92 But the reasons he produces seems to<br />

me to add little to familiar Kantian apprehensions, in Perpetual Peace and<br />

elsewhere, about the extent of empire and possible global despotism. 93<br />

Professor O’Donovan says that every government, however, imperial, loses<br />

its identity if it cannot contrast itself with others. “Whatever their claim to<br />

universality, in practice all empires need [to] define their identity by excluding<br />

people who live beyond them.” 94 But why should this sort of definition of identity<br />

be judged desirable, given what he has said elsewhere about the connection<br />

<br />

91 We have talked about the Christian basis of this assumption at our earlier sessions.<br />

92 O’Donovan, Desire of the Nations, 73<br />

93 Kant, Toward Perpetual Peace (1795), and ___ [?]<br />

94 O’Donovan, The Ways of Judgment, 214.<br />

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38

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