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The_Future_of_Employment

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Titles (DOT), last revised in 1991, we rely on the 2010 version <strong>of</strong> the DOT successor<br />

O∗NET – an online service developed for the US Department <strong>of</strong> Labor. 4<br />

Accordingly, O∗NET has the advantage <strong>of</strong> providing more recent information<br />

on occupational work activities.<br />

Second, our study relates to the literature examining the <strong>of</strong>fshoring <strong>of</strong> information-based<br />

tasks to foreign worksites (Jensen and Kletzer, 2005; Blinder,<br />

2009; Jensen and Kletzer, 2010; Oldenski, 2012; Blinder and Krueger, 2013).<br />

This literature consists <strong>of</strong> different methodologies to rank and categorise occupations<br />

according to their susceptibility to <strong>of</strong>fshoring. For example, using<br />

O∗NET data on the nature <strong>of</strong> work done in different occupations, Blinder (2009)<br />

estimates that 22 to 29 percent <strong>of</strong> US jobs are or will be <strong>of</strong>fshorable in the next<br />

decade or two. <strong>The</strong>se estimates are based on two defining characteristics <strong>of</strong> jobs<br />

that cannot be <strong>of</strong>fshored: (a) the job must be performed at a specific work location;<br />

and (b) the job requires face-to-face personal communication. Naturally,<br />

the characteristics <strong>of</strong> occupations that can be <strong>of</strong>fshored are different from the<br />

characteristics <strong>of</strong> occupations that can be automated. For example, the work <strong>of</strong><br />

cashiers, which has largely been substituted by self- service technology, must<br />

be performed at specific work location and requires face-to-face contact. <strong>The</strong><br />

extent <strong>of</strong> computerisation is therefore likely to go beyond that <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>fshoring.<br />

Hence, while the implementation <strong>of</strong> our methodology is similar to that <strong>of</strong> Blinder<br />

(2009), we rely on different occupational characteristics.<br />

<strong>The</strong> remainder <strong>of</strong> this paper is structured as follows. In Section II, we review<br />

the literature on the historical relationship between technological progress and<br />

employment. Section III describes recent and expected future technological<br />

developments. In Section IV, we describe our methodology, and in Section V,<br />

we examine the expected impact <strong>of</strong> these technological developments on labour<br />

market outcomes. Finally, in Section VI, we derive some conclusions.<br />

II.<br />

A HISTORY OF TECHNOLOGICAL REVOLUTIONS AND EMPLOYMENT<br />

<strong>The</strong> concern over technological unemployment is hardly a recent phenomenon.<br />

Throughout history, the process <strong>of</strong> creative destruction, following technological<br />

inventions, has created enormous wealth, but also undesired disruptions.<br />

As stressed by Schumpeter (1962), it was not the lack <strong>of</strong> inventive ideas that<br />

4 An exception is Goos, et al. (2009).<br />

5

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