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AUTOBIOGRAPHY-Chesterton

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all, perhaps, what began to repel me about the atmosphere of the adventure

was something insincere about the most normal part of the national claim; the

suggestion of something like a rescue of our exiled representatives, the

commercial citizens of Johannesburg, who were commonly called the

Outlanders. As this would have been the most sympathetic plea if it was

genuine, it was the more repulsive if it was hypocritical.

For this was the best case for the war; that if the Boers were fighting for

their country, the British were fighting for their countrymen. Only there was

rather a queer look about some of the portraits of their countrymen. It was

constantly asserted that an Englishman named Edgar had been murdered; but

no portrait of Edgar was published, because it happened that he was entirely

black. Other portraits were published; other Outlanders were paraded and they

were of other tints and shades. We began to guess that the people the Boers

called Outlanders were often people whom the British would call Outsiders.

Their names were symbolic as their noses. I remember waiting with a Pro-

Boer friend in the midst of a Jingo mob outside the celebrated Queen’s Hall

Meeting which ended in a free fight. My friend and I adopted a method of

patriotic parody or reductio ad absurdum. We first proposed three cheers for

Chamberlain, then three cheers for Rhodes, and then by degrees for more and

more dubious and demi-naturalised patriots. We actually did get an innocent

cheer for Beit. We got a more wavering cheer for Eckstein. But when it came

to our impulsive appeal to the universal popularity of Albu, the irony of our

intention was discovered; and the fight began. I found myself in a pugilistic

encounter with an Imperialistic clerk, whose pugilism was at least no more

scientific than my own. While this encounter (one of many other surrounding

conflicts) was proceeding, another Imperialist must have abstracted my watch;

the last I ever troubled to possess. He at any rate believed in the Policy of

Annexation.

I was called a Pro-Boer and, unlike some Pro-Boers, I was very proud of

the title. It expressed exactly what I meant much better than its idealistic

synonyms. Some intellectuals indignantly repudiated the term, and said they

were not Pro-Boers but only lovers of peace or pacifists. But I emphatically

was a Pro-Boer, and I emphatically was not a pacifist. My point was that the

Boers were right in fighting; not that anybody must be wrong in fighting. I

thought that their farmers were perfectly entitled to take to horse and rifle in

defence of their farms, and their little farming commonwealth, when it was

invaded by a more cosmopolitan empire at the command of very cosmopolitan

financiers. As no less an authority than Mr. Discobolus says in Lear’s

Nonsense Rhymes, I thought so then and I think so still. But this sort of

militant sympathy naturally separated those who thought as I did from our

colleagues who were mere anti-militarists. The consequence was not

unimportant to me personally. It was that I found I belonged to a minority of a

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