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Social Justice Activism

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S Social

Justice Theory

memory also necessarily is involved in social intelligence;

it allows for storing and recalling social information.

This type of memory typically is

(operationalized) as a memory for name and faces

but may cover a broader range of contents (Kosmitzki

and John 1993). Social intelligence also involves social

knowledge, which involves the “procedural” social

memory associated with memory and understanding

(Weis and Süß 2007). Added to these aspects of social

memory would be the ability to deal with people and

use appropriate social techniques in interactions with

others. These more developed definitions continue to

address Thorndike’s (1920) differentiation between

a cognitive component (involving understanding social

relationships) and behavioral component (involving

the management of relationships) of social intelligence.

Despite the significance of social intelligence to

social functioning, research in this area has not developed

considerably. Nor has this area of study focused

much on the period of adolescence or considered fully

the developmental components of what would constitute

social intelligence. Rather than focus on social

intelligence itself, the study of adolescence has focused

more on related areas such as social skills, selfregulation,

and interactions with peers and family

members. These areas of research are all related closely

to social intelligence, but they do not address it directly

to develop, for example, measures that would assess

social intelligence in a way that intelligence is assessed,

which is what the field of social intelligence has

attempted to do but mainly with adults. This area of

research remains a potentially fruitful one if it would

specifically focus on adolescents and youth to understand

better the developmental roots, changes, and

nature of social intelligence.

Cross-References

▶ Emotional Intelligence

References

Kloep, M. (1999). Love is all you need? Focusing on adolescents’ life

concerns from an ecological point of view. Journal of Adolescence,

22, 49–63.

Kosmitzki, C., & John, O. (1993). The implicit use of explicit

conceptions of social intelligence. Personality and Individual

Differences, 15, 11–23.

Spear, L. P. (2000). The adolescent brain and age-related behavioral

manifestations. Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews, 24,

417–463.

Thorndike, E. (1920). Intelligence and its uses. Harper’s Magazine,

140, 227–235.

Weis, S., & Süß, H. (2007). Reviving the search for social intelligence-

A multitrait-multimethod study of its structure and construct

validity. Personality and Individual Differences, 42, 3–14.

William, D., Killgore, S., & Yurgelun-Todd, D. A. (2007). Neural

correlates of emotional intelligence in adolescent children.

Cognitive, Affective & Behavioral Neuroscience, 7, 140–151.

Social Justice Theory

SALLY M. HAGE, ERIN E. RING, MELANIE M. LANTZ

Division of Counseling Psychology, University at

Albany, Albany, NY, USA

Overview

The intent of this essay is to provide a concise overview

of the relevance and implications of social justice theory

to adolescence. To begin, a description of what is

meant by the term “social justice” is presented. Next,

the relevance of social justice theory to adolescence is

described, and relevant research addressing critical

social justice issues in adolescent populations is explicated.

Finally, future research directions and the implications

of a social justice approach to work with

adolescents are discussed.

Introduction

For several reasons, social justice theory is important to

consider in the context of adolescence. Research has

shown that the effects of social injustice are deleterious

in the adolescent population. Poverty and family dysfunction

serve as risk factors for a number of setbacks

in adolescence, including mental, emotional, and

behavioral disorders, delayed cognitive development,

and poor physical well-being (O’Connell et al. 2009).

Furthermore, these negative effects disproportionately

affect the lives of children and adolescents. The rate of

children and youth living in poverty in America has

been consistently higher than that of adults for decades,

more than 1½ times higher, and this rate continues to

increase. For example, the percentage of adolescent

children (ages 12–17) living in low-income families

increased from 33% in 2000 to 36% in 2008 (Wight

and Chau 2009).

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