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FAMILIES IN SOCIETY • Volume 83, Number 4

equal, they will not [justly] receive equal shares; indeed,

whenever equals receive unequal shares, or unequals equal

shares, … that is the source of quarrels and accusations”

(p. 123). Yet, like Plato and many other philosophers and

political leaders over the past 2,000 years, Aristotle did not

regard people as fundamentally equal. His view of equality

and justice applied only to those individuals who occupied

the same stratum of a hierarchical social order—for

Aristotle, this meant Athenian men of property. This interpretation

of justice rationalized the coexistence of slavery

or oppression for the many with a democratic polis for

the few (Campbell, 1989).

Universal concepts of justice first appeared between

1,500 and 2,500 years ago in the teachings of most of the

world’s great religions,

such as Judaism, Christianity,

Islam, and Buddhism,

and in Western literature of

this period, such as the

Greek tragedies of Sophocles

and Aeschylus. The

idea of one universal or allpowerful

deity became

linked with the pursuit of a

divine vision for humankind,

one in which

universal justice was attained,

either in this life or

the afterlife. Ironically, as these religions evolved, religious

institutions and religiously sanctioned hierarchies emerged

that undermined this initial conception of justice. In addition,

the exclusivity and competition among proponents

of different religions—increasingly linked to states or empires—further

undermined the ideal of justice for all. In

this context, it is not surprising that the reemergence of

the concept of justice in Western societies occurred concurrently

with the growth of secular humanism and the

spirit of rationalism in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries

(Gay, 1966; Israel, 2001). In the early modern period,

this conception of justice was initially used to rationalize

the consolidation of state power under the authority

of absolute monarchs.

Like Aristotle, the foremost proponent of this perspective,

the English philosopher Thomas Hobbes (1996), regarded

the construction of an external authority—the

state or leviathan—as an essential ingredient in the maintenance

of a just society. This was not because he considered

government the embodiment of the collective will of

people who were naturally just, but because he viewed humans

as antisocial and driven by their baser instincts—an

Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth

centuries, however, the gap between the

ideal of social justice and the reality of

persistent inequality and injustice became

more apparent …

idea that still resonates in the early twenty-first century. In

Hobbes’s conception of justice, the state would create and

enforce laws and social norms to preserve peace and restrain

individuals from harming each other in the pursuit

of their self-interests. This view of justice complemented

perfectly the emergence of commercial and industrial capitalism

(van Mill, 2001; Isbister, 2001). Through the Elizabethan

Poor Laws it shaped Western models of social

welfare to the present, particularly in Great Britain and

North America.

During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the

idea of justice was strongly connected in the West to the

scientific revolution (which sought to discover universal

nonreligious truths) and the Enlightenment (which

sought to apply these scientific

discoveries to society

and its institutions). As part

of their structural analyses

of society, political philosophers

during the “age of

revolution,” such as

Rousseau (1754/1994),

and their nineteenth century

successors constructed

a series of metanarratives

that explained the persistence

of injustice. To a considerable

extent, the frameworks

they constructed over two centuries ago shaped the

formation of most modern institutions in the West,

including the relationship between the state and social

welfare (Roemer, 1996).

The great political and social revolutions of the late

eighteenth century also contained a revolutionary idea of

justice. Both explicitly and implicitly, the pursuit and realization

of social justice were now inextricably linked to the

preservation of individual liberty or freedom, the achievement

of equality (of rights, opportunities, and outcomes),

and the establishment of common bonds of all humanity

(fraternity or mutuality). Both the American and French

revolutions linked their social justice goals with the “pursuit”

or “the perfection of happiness” (Saint-Just, de,

1968, ed.). In theory, this required the creation of societies

that would maximize both individual and collective

well-being. Through such documents as the American

Declaration of Independence and the French Universal

Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, social justice

became the unwritten linchpin of so-called “natural

rights” that, in rhetoric if not reality, would now be applied

to all people.

344

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