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countries. Not long after the War of Independence, Haiti and the Dominican Republic resumedconflict with armed clashes which lasted until 1855. Following the Dominican Republic’s newlygained independence was a global debate surrounding the country’s recognition. The UnitedStates, being a leader in these debates, contributed to further separating Haiti and the DominicanRepublic when U.S. Secretary of State John C. Calhoun supported the need to recognize the2Dominican Republic to prevent "the further spread of negro influence in the West Indies." Theimpact of this need for international support is underscored by scholar Silvio TorresSaillant,who explains, “Dominican identity consists not only of how Dominicans see themselves but alsoof how they are seen by the powerful nations with which the Dominican Republic has been3linked in a relationship of political and economic dependence." Leading Dominican voices,therefore, have long attempted to separate themselves from the Haitian other. This has defined aDominican identity that opposes the Haitian identity in every way.Throughout history, Haitians on the other hand have expressed a pride in their African4roots through political and musical movements. This Haitian pride did not go unnoticed byDominicans who refer to them as negros. Furthermore, within the Dominican Republic there arecirculating racist perceptions of Haitians that mirror white supremacist perspectives of Africandescendants in the United States. Considering the inconsistencies between how Dominicansselfidentify, compared to their ancestral roots, one may begin to understand why Dominicansare hesitant to identify as black; because to identify as black is to negate one's Dominicannessand to embrace Haitian identity.2Silvio TorresSaillant, The Tribulations of Blackness: Stages in Dominican Racial Identity (1998).3TorresSaillant 129.4Scholar Gage Averill discusses these movements, such as Vodou and nouriste movements which promotedAfroHaitian traditionalism within government and society. Gage Averill, A Day for the Hunter, a Day for the Prey:Popular Music and Power in Haiti (1997).7
Merengue in the Dominican RepublicToday, merengue is widely accepted as the national symbol of Dominican identity. Itssymbolism is so powerful that many Dominicans claim that it runs in their blood. This tiebetween merengue and Dominican identity has been supported through governmental, cultural,and musical movements. Beginning with the myth of Tomas Torres, merengue’s connections tohistorical importance in the independent Dominican Republic is clear. Tomas Torres was aDominican soldier who fled his post in the War of Independence and gained his notorietythrough the first merengue:Toma juyó con la banderaToma juyó de la Talanquera:Thomas fled with the flag,Thomas fled from the Talanquera;Si juera yo, yo no juyera, If it had been I, I wouldn’t have fled:Toma juyó con la bandera.5Thomas fled with the flagIn connecting a music to identity, the roots of the music itself hold much weight.Merengue’s roots are unclear, although the theories surrounding them have crucial similarities.Researchers such as Flerida de Nolasco and Manuel Rueda have argued that merengue’s roots lie6in Europe. Many theories link merengue to Europe by looking at it as an “independent coupledance” version of the contredanse. Countering this belief, researchers such as Fradique Lizardohave highlighted the African elements present in merengue; often comparing it to a similar7music, also called merengue, played by the Bara of Madagascar. The African influence onmerengue is most noticeable through the rhythms and percussive instruments used in the genre.5Pual Austerlitz and Robert Farris Thompson, Merengue: Dominican Music and Dominican Identity (1997) 1.6Austerlitz, et al. 3.7Austerlitz, et al. 3.8
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Page 33 and 34: by dictatorial propaganda. During a
Page 35 and 36: in Haiti, she explained that their
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