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2 introduction<br />

The cause of the Tibetan decline<br />

Although the adoption of Buddhism as the state religion at the summit of<br />

the empire gave birth to an influx of foreign religious culture, it also ironically<br />

marked the beginning of the Tibetan political decline.<br />

The doctrine of “cause and effect” in Buddhism is the ideology crucial<br />

to promoting its spread. Kings merely become subordinate and at best auxiliary<br />

agents for maintaining the propagation of the faith. They themselves<br />

like other beings cannot escape from going through the samsàric transmigration.<br />

How this ideology came to be reconciled with the world vision of<br />

the ancient Tibetans is still little known. According to the indigenous belief,<br />

the Tibetan kings were direct descendants of the gods of Phyva. They<br />

came down from heaven to reign over the black headed people. Moreover,<br />

they were gods like the Phyva themselves and so were imbued with supernatural<br />

qualities such as byin, “splendour” of body for the overpowering<br />

of political and military opponents and ’phrul, “magic sagacity” of mind<br />

enabling them to sustain the order of the world. 4<br />

Nevertheless, Buddhism seems to have adjusted itself, as it usually did<br />

in the countries where it spread, to the native beliefs by assimilating the<br />

indigenous conception of kingship and the notion of royal powers to its own<br />

notions: the term byin came to be used in conjunction with rlabs to form the<br />

word byin rlabs (adhißthàna) and ’phrul with rdzu, rdzu ’phrul (‰idd-hi) or with<br />

other similar Buddhist terms. Both the terms, subsequently almost entirely<br />

lost their original and early connotation. The kings themselves became simply<br />

chos rgyal (dharmaràja) and were finally subjected to the Buddhist moral<br />

code. They later had fears about taking any more military actions, because<br />

of contamination by sdig pa ( pàpa), “sin”. The confession for a king probably<br />

Khri gTsug-lde-btsan (805–838), in which a Sino-Tibetan border<br />

conflict involving killing men and animals is recorded, can still be read. 5<br />

Another major factor which is political and economic and which seems<br />

to have enhanced the decline is the establishment of the Buddhist<br />

monastic institution and more precisely the system of maintenance which<br />

began to evolve from the time of the ordination of the first seven Tibetan<br />

monks. The model of the monastic discipline of bSam-yas was the<br />

Vinaya of the Mùlasarvàstivàda tradition, one of the earliest •ràvaka<br />

sects which was once flourished in north-western India. As a Buddhist<br />

monk, •àntarakßita who ordained the seven Tibetans, belonged to this<br />

4 PT 16, f. 34a4: sku la byin chags/ thugs la ’phrul mnga’ .../ Cf. Macdonald 1971, pp.<br />

337–39.<br />

5 F.W. Thomas, Tibetan literary texts and documents concerning Chinese Turkestan, London 1951,<br />

Vol. II, p. 79.

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