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the legend of vairocana 33<br />

his work in general for promoting Buddhism and particularly his conversion<br />

of the barbaric people of Tsha-ba-rong to Buddhism. He does this,<br />

because he was also formerly born in the royal family of that country. Legsgrub,<br />

having accompanied Vairocana to India, leaves for Tibet alone and<br />

is killed on the way so that he would be born in Tsha-ba-rong as g.Yusgra<br />

snying-po in order to assist Vairocana in his missionary work there.<br />

The inevitable question then arises whether there is any historicity behind<br />

all these legends of Vairocana. In a field such as Tibetan Buddhist<br />

studies one can only talk in terms of textual evidence in such a case as<br />

this. It is therefore a matter of tracing back in time to see from what periods<br />

the texts talk about Vairocana. The ’Dra ’bag is quoted at length in<br />

ChR completed in 1362. 45 The version it contains is identical with the xylographic<br />

edition excepting the section on Vairocana’s trip in China which<br />

is absent there.<br />

The next source which is older and deals with the life story of Vairocana<br />

is MNy by Nyang-ral Nyi-ma ’od-zer (1136–1204). In this work, the ’Dra<br />

’bag is mentioned neither in the section devoted to the story nor in the<br />

epilogue where the author gives a bibliographic list of the historical works<br />

which he consulted for his extremely important historical work. However,<br />

the story, although told in a very condensed form, is essentially the same<br />

as that of the ’Dra ’bag. We have already noted the minor differences. It<br />

seems therefore that the elaboration of the ’Dra ’bag, particularly its early<br />

parts, dates from the late thirteenth century and certainly existed in its<br />

present form before 1362.<br />

The next historical work which gives an important place to Vairocana—one<br />

of the earliest but post tenth century work—is the well known<br />

BZh. Certain authors have recently ascribed it as late as to the fourteenth<br />

century, 46 but it is difficult to reconcile this to the fact that we know that<br />

Sa-pan Kun-dga’ rgyal-mtshan (1181–1282) mentions it by title 47 and<br />

Nyang-ral Nyi-ma ’od-zer (1136–1204) incorporated a long section of it<br />

in his MNy. 48 In BZh, Vairocana is specifically mentioned by his father’s<br />

45 In the colophon of the new edition of this work, a note identifies the author rGyalsras<br />

Thugs-mchog-rtsal with Klong-chen rab-’byams. I pointed out the contradictions which<br />

emerge in the dates if we accept the identification (Karmay 1981, p. 200, n. 30). It is now<br />

certain that rGyal-sras Thugs mchog-rtsal is not identical with Klong-chen rab-’byams. The<br />

Vth Dalai Lama, for example, treats them as different authors (GCh, Vol. 4, p. 409).<br />

46 Imaeda 1975, p. 126.<br />

47 sKyes bu dam pa rnams la springs pa’i yi ge, Sa skya bka’ ’bum, Vol. 5, No. 830, p. 332–1–4:<br />

rgyal bzhed, dpal (sBa) bzhed ’bangs bzhed . . ./<br />

48 Although Nyang-ral does not acknowledge the fact that he has borrowed a long section<br />

of BZh, the section in question can be traced to BZh (MNy f. 462, 1.5–526, 13; BZh<br />

pp. 53, 1.9–86, 1.5).

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