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the legend of vairocana 33<br />
his work in general for promoting Buddhism and particularly his conversion<br />
of the barbaric people of Tsha-ba-rong to Buddhism. He does this,<br />
because he was also formerly born in the royal family of that country. Legsgrub,<br />
having accompanied Vairocana to India, leaves for Tibet alone and<br />
is killed on the way so that he would be born in Tsha-ba-rong as g.Yusgra<br />
snying-po in order to assist Vairocana in his missionary work there.<br />
The inevitable question then arises whether there is any historicity behind<br />
all these legends of Vairocana. In a field such as Tibetan Buddhist<br />
studies one can only talk in terms of textual evidence in such a case as<br />
this. It is therefore a matter of tracing back in time to see from what periods<br />
the texts talk about Vairocana. The ’Dra ’bag is quoted at length in<br />
ChR completed in 1362. 45 The version it contains is identical with the xylographic<br />
edition excepting the section on Vairocana’s trip in China which<br />
is absent there.<br />
The next source which is older and deals with the life story of Vairocana<br />
is MNy by Nyang-ral Nyi-ma ’od-zer (1136–1204). In this work, the ’Dra<br />
’bag is mentioned neither in the section devoted to the story nor in the<br />
epilogue where the author gives a bibliographic list of the historical works<br />
which he consulted for his extremely important historical work. However,<br />
the story, although told in a very condensed form, is essentially the same<br />
as that of the ’Dra ’bag. We have already noted the minor differences. It<br />
seems therefore that the elaboration of the ’Dra ’bag, particularly its early<br />
parts, dates from the late thirteenth century and certainly existed in its<br />
present form before 1362.<br />
The next historical work which gives an important place to Vairocana—one<br />
of the earliest but post tenth century work—is the well known<br />
BZh. Certain authors have recently ascribed it as late as to the fourteenth<br />
century, 46 but it is difficult to reconcile this to the fact that we know that<br />
Sa-pan Kun-dga’ rgyal-mtshan (1181–1282) mentions it by title 47 and<br />
Nyang-ral Nyi-ma ’od-zer (1136–1204) incorporated a long section of it<br />
in his MNy. 48 In BZh, Vairocana is specifically mentioned by his father’s<br />
45 In the colophon of the new edition of this work, a note identifies the author rGyalsras<br />
Thugs-mchog-rtsal with Klong-chen rab-’byams. I pointed out the contradictions which<br />
emerge in the dates if we accept the identification (Karmay 1981, p. 200, n. 30). It is now<br />
certain that rGyal-sras Thugs mchog-rtsal is not identical with Klong-chen rab-’byams. The<br />
Vth Dalai Lama, for example, treats them as different authors (GCh, Vol. 4, p. 409).<br />
46 Imaeda 1975, p. 126.<br />
47 sKyes bu dam pa rnams la springs pa’i yi ge, Sa skya bka’ ’bum, Vol. 5, No. 830, p. 332–1–4:<br />
rgyal bzhed, dpal (sBa) bzhed ’bangs bzhed . . ./<br />
48 Although Nyang-ral does not acknowledge the fact that he has borrowed a long section<br />
of BZh, the section in question can be traced to BZh (MNy f. 462, 1.5–526, 13; BZh<br />
pp. 53, 1.9–86, 1.5).