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semantics and pragmatics of evidentials in cuzco quechua

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102 CHAPTER 3. EVIDENTIALITY AND EPISTEMIC MODALITY<br />

Kratzer provides the follow<strong>in</strong>g def<strong>in</strong>itions for a proposition to be necessarily or<br />

possibly true with respect to a modal base <strong>and</strong> an order<strong>in</strong>g source:<br />

A proposition is a necessity if <strong>and</strong> only if it is true <strong>in</strong> all accessible worlds which<br />

come closest to the ideal established by the order<strong>in</strong>g source. 9<br />

A proposition p is a possibility <strong>in</strong> a world w with respect to a modal base f <strong>and</strong><br />

an order<strong>in</strong>g source g iff ¬p is not a necessity <strong>in</strong> w with respect to f <strong>and</strong> g.<br />

For example, the sentence John must be the murderer is true if <strong>and</strong> only if <strong>in</strong> all<br />

worlds that are compatible with what the speaker knows—<strong>and</strong> which are the most<br />

“normal” ones—it is the case that John is the murderer. It would be false, if there is<br />

at least one such world <strong>in</strong> which John is not the murderer. Similarly, John might be<br />

the murderer is true if <strong>and</strong> only if there is at least one world that is compatible with<br />

what the speaker knows, <strong>and</strong> which is among the most normal ones, <strong>in</strong> which John<br />

is the murderer, <strong>and</strong> false if there is no such world.<br />

Izvorski (1997) analyzes the so-called perfect <strong>of</strong> evidentiality (pe) <strong>in</strong>anumber<strong>of</strong><br />

different languages with<strong>in</strong> this framework. The follow<strong>in</strong>g examples illustrate the two<br />

relevant mean<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> the pe10 for Turkish, (72a), repeated from (28), section 2.2.1,<br />

<strong>and</strong> Bulgarian, (72b).<br />

(72) a. Ahmet gel- mi¸s.<br />

Ahmet come mI¸s<br />

‘Ahmet came / must have come.’<br />

(i) <strong>in</strong>ference: The speaker sees Ahmet’s coat hang<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the front hall, but<br />

has not yet seen Ahmet.<br />

(ii) hearsay: The speaker has been told that Ahmet has arrived, but has<br />

not yet seen Ahmet. (Aksu-Koç <strong>and</strong> Slob<strong>in</strong> 1986:159)<br />

b. Ivan izpil vsičkoto v<strong>in</strong>o včera.<br />

Ivan drunk-pe all-the w<strong>in</strong>e yesterday<br />

‘Ivan apparently drank all the w<strong>in</strong>e yesterday.’<br />

(i) <strong>in</strong>ference, (ii) reportative (Izvorski 1997:7)<br />

9Kratzer (1987) does not expla<strong>in</strong> how closest is def<strong>in</strong>ed formally.<br />

10pe’s can <strong>of</strong>ten also convey a mirative mean<strong>in</strong>g, but Izvorski (1997) does not discuss this aspect<br />

at all.

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