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semantics and pragmatics of evidentials in cuzco quechua

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216 CHAPTER 6. FURTHER IMPLICATIONS<br />

(177) a. If the ball was reportedly over the l<strong>in</strong>e, the matter should be <strong>in</strong>vestigated<br />

further.<br />

b. If the cook obviously won’t poison the soup, we can eat the meal without<br />

worry<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

For (177a), the question is whether the speaker is say<strong>in</strong>g that the matter should be<br />

<strong>in</strong>vestigated further if (i) the ball was over the l<strong>in</strong>e, or if (ii) it is reported that (i)<br />

holds. It is clear that the speaker makes (ii) the condition for further <strong>in</strong>vestigation.<br />

Similarly, it is clear for (177b) that the speaker says that we can eat without worry<strong>in</strong>g<br />

if it is obvious that the cook won’t poison the soup. S<strong>in</strong>ce reportedly <strong>and</strong> obviously<br />

are <strong>in</strong> the scope <strong>of</strong> if <strong>in</strong> these examples, Ifantidou-Trouki (1993) concludes that they<br />

are part <strong>of</strong> the proposition expressed, <strong>and</strong> should therefore not be analyzed as speech<br />

actmodifiersasproposedelsewhere.<br />

In this respect, evidential sentential adverbials contrast with two other types <strong>of</strong><br />

sentential adverbials, namely illocutionary adverbials such as frankly, honestly, <strong>and</strong><br />

attitud<strong>in</strong>al adverbials such as unfortunately, sadly, which Ifantidou shows to not<br />

contribute to the truth conditions <strong>of</strong> the sentence by apply<strong>in</strong>g the same test. Consider<br />

the examples <strong>in</strong> (178).<br />

(178) a. If Paul’s car was, sadly, stolen, he will start us<strong>in</strong>g the underground.<br />

b. If John’s book has frankly sold very little, you shouldn’t be surprised.<br />

The speaker <strong>of</strong> (178a) is say<strong>in</strong>g that Paul will start us<strong>in</strong>g the underground if it is<br />

true that Paul’s car was stolen. (S)he is not say<strong>in</strong>g that Paul will start us<strong>in</strong>g the<br />

underground if it is true that it is sad that Paul’s car was stolen. Similarly, the<br />

speaker <strong>of</strong> (178b) is say<strong>in</strong>g that the addressee should not be surprised if it is true that<br />

(i) John’s book has sold very little, but not if it is true that (ii) I tell you frankly<br />

that (i). Thus, sadly <strong>and</strong> frankly do, accord<strong>in</strong>g to the test, not contribute to the<br />

proposition expressed.<br />

not grammaticalized. However, it is <strong>of</strong> secondary concern to the present discussion whether or not<br />

these adverbials are <strong>evidentials</strong> accord<strong>in</strong>g to this morphosyntactic criterion. What is <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>terest here,<br />

is the behavior <strong>of</strong> their evidential mean<strong>in</strong>g component with respect to this test.

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