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semantics and pragmatics of evidentials in cuzco quechua

semantics and pragmatics of evidentials in cuzco quechua

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26 CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION AND MAIN HYPOTHESES<br />

This function takes the illocutionary act associated with simple assertions as its argument<br />

<strong>and</strong> outputs the illocutionary act <strong>of</strong> assertion with the added s<strong>in</strong>cerity condition.<br />

S<strong>in</strong>ce the three evidential enclitics occupy the same morphological slot <strong>and</strong> have<br />

the same functions, namely to <strong>in</strong>dicate an evidential value <strong>and</strong> mark focus, I hypothesize<br />

that all three denote the same semantic type. Thus, if the analysis proposed<br />

for Direct -mi is correct, the Reportative -si <strong>and</strong> Conjectural -chá should also be analyzed<br />

as illocutionary operators. That this analysis is also the right one for these<br />

two enclitics is supported by the observation that they, too, do not contribute their<br />

evidential mean<strong>in</strong>g to the ma<strong>in</strong> proposition expressed. However, their analysis as<br />

illocutionary modifiers is not as straightforward as that <strong>of</strong> -mi.<br />

S<strong>in</strong>ce -chá is argued to be both an evidential <strong>and</strong> an epistemic modal, the mean<strong>in</strong>g<br />

<strong>of</strong> a sentence conta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g it can be represented as <strong>in</strong> (18).<br />

(18) Para-sha-n-chá.<br />

ra<strong>in</strong>-prog-3-chá<br />

q=‘It is ra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g.’<br />

p=¦q<br />

ill=asserts(¦q)<br />

s<strong>in</strong>c={Bel(s, ¦q), Rea(s,Bel(s, ¦q))}<br />

strength= -1<br />

If my hypothesis is correct, that -chá is <strong>of</strong> the same type as -mi, then it should be<br />

possible to give its mean<strong>in</strong>g as a function that derives the mean<strong>in</strong>g components <strong>in</strong><br />

(18) from those <strong>in</strong> (15). However, this is problematic, because this function would<br />

operate both on the s<strong>in</strong>cerity conditions as well as on the propositional content p.<br />

This problem <strong>and</strong> possible solutions will be discussed <strong>in</strong> section 5.2.<br />

In section 5.3, I will argue that a speaker who utters a sentence with the Reportative<br />

does not perform any <strong>of</strong> the five basic speech acts recognized by Searle <strong>and</strong><br />

V<strong>and</strong>erveken (see section 1.2.2), but a new k<strong>in</strong>d, which I will call presentation.<br />

(19) shows the s<strong>in</strong>cerity condition that I propose to be associated with this speech<br />

act.

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