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GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES | KOMMUNIKATION GLOBAL - 01 | 2009

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<strong>01</strong>-<strong>2009</strong> | www.global-perspectives.info | www.komglobal.info<br />

The Best and the Worst of 2008<br />

UNDP richtet Sozialbörse ein<br />

No Law Says People Have to Suffer<br />

Thailand's Political Theatre<br />

EXPECTATIONS GALORE<br />

FINANCING DEVELOPMENT<br />

ENTWICKLUNG FINANZIEREN<br />

WAS BRINGT UNS <strong>2009</strong>?


www.ipsnews.de | www.ipseuropa.org


EDITORIAL:<br />

Yeesterday<br />

– annd<br />

Today<br />

DDIE<br />

WELT ANDDERS<br />

SEHEN<br />

UNDP<br />

richtet SSozialbörse<br />

eein<br />

AArgentinien<br />

zieeht<br />

über 1000.000<br />

Waffenn<br />

ein<br />

BBiokaffee<br />

aus der Dominikkanischen<br />

Republik<br />

AAfrikas<br />

arme SStaaten<br />

besoonders<br />

kinderrfreundlich<br />

GGroßmütter<br />

käämpfen<br />

gegeen<br />

Aids in Swaasiland<br />

MMarokkaner<br />

ggründet<br />

Mensschenrechts-NNetzwerk<br />

OOPINION<br />

| ANSICHT<br />

NNo<br />

Law Says TThat<br />

People HHave<br />

to Suffeer<br />

BBy<br />

Daisaku Ikeeda<br />

The<br />

Best and tthe<br />

Worst of 2008<br />

BBy<br />

Jeffrey Lauurenti<br />

WWINDOW<br />

ON EEUROPE<br />

'WWe<br />

Were Veryy<br />

Good Studeents<br />

of<br />

NNeo-Liberal<br />

Ideology'<br />

ZZoltan<br />

Dujisin interviews DDr.<br />

Andras Inootai<br />

Juust<br />

When Hoppe<br />

Was at Haand<br />

BBy<br />

Vesna Pericc<br />

Zimonjic<br />

MMega<br />

Solar Poower<br />

Plant Beegins<br />

to<br />

OOperate<br />

in Porrtugal<br />

BBy<br />

Mario de QQueiroz<br />

CCOVER<br />

STORYY<br />

| TITELTHEMMA<br />

PPoverty<br />

May BBe<br />

Halved, Aftter<br />

All<br />

BBy<br />

Global Persspectives<br />

Monitoring<br />

Unit<br />

AAfghan<br />

Expecttations<br />

Beliedd<br />

BBy<br />

Ramesh Jaaura<br />

NNo<br />

Clear End iin<br />

Thailand's Political Theaatre<br />

BBy<br />

Johanna Soon<br />

Uganda<br />

on thee<br />

Global Markket<br />

Track<br />

too<br />

Prosperity<br />

BBy<br />

Joshua Kyaalimpa<br />

ÄÄthiopien<br />

suchht<br />

ausländiscche<br />

Käufer<br />

füür<br />

Agrarland<br />

VVon<br />

Michael CChebsi<br />

CCOUNTDOWN<br />

TO COPENHAAGEN<br />

PPoznan<br />

Produces<br />

a 'Vision Gap'<br />

BBy<br />

Ramesh Jaaura<br />

FaairClimate<br />

Ammbassadors'<br />

Poznan Diarry<br />

BBy<br />

Anne Mariee<br />

Kortleve and<br />

Suzanne MMaas<br />

AArktis<br />

in fünf JJahren<br />

in denn<br />

Sommermmonaten<br />

eisfrrei<br />

VVon<br />

Stephen LLeahy<br />

CClimate<br />

Changge<br />

Threatenss<br />

Livelihoods<br />

BBy<br />

Pilirani Semmu-Banda<br />

KKINOTIPP<br />

Film<br />

erzählt Liiberias<br />

Erfolggsstory<br />

VVon<br />

Marie-Hellene<br />

Rousseaau<br />

<strong>GLOBAL</strong><br />

PERSPPECTIVES<br />

| JANNUARY<br />

2008<br />

4<br />

5<br />

5<br />

6<br />

6<br />

7<br />

7<br />

8<br />

10<br />

12<br />

14<br />

15<br />

16<br />

18<br />

20<br />

22<br />

23<br />

24<br />

26<br />

28<br />

29<br />

30<br />

No Law L Says Thhat<br />

People Have To Suffer<br />

"Human<br />

rights are the essence of the<br />

reason<br />

and spiritual<br />

values that<br />

char-<br />

acterise<br />

humanity,<br />

the manifeestation<br />

of th he most noble<br />

qualities of the<br />

huma an being." Theese<br />

are the prrofound<br />

words s of Austreggesilo<br />

de Atthayde,<br />

presid dent of the Brazilian<br />

Acadeemy<br />

of<br />

Letters,<br />

one of thhe<br />

active parrticipants<br />

in the process of<br />

drafti ing of the UUniversal<br />

Decclaration<br />

of Human Righhts<br />

(UDHR R), writes JJapanese<br />

Budddhist<br />

philos sopher Daisakku<br />

Ikeda.<br />

Page 8<br />

"We Were Verry<br />

Good Sttudents<br />

of<br />

Neo- -Liberal Ideeology"<br />

A reg gion that has enthusiastically<br />

embraced<br />

free market m econoomics<br />

since thhe<br />

collapse of<br />

state socialism is ffacing<br />

new socio-economic<br />

and political p challlenges.<br />

Dr. AAndras<br />

Inotai,<br />

direct tor-general off<br />

the Institutee<br />

for World Ec conomics of thhe<br />

Hunga arian Academmy<br />

of Sciences,<br />

says count tries of Centrral<br />

and Eastern E Europe<br />

that have nnot<br />

oriented themselves ex<br />

clusiv vely to the Weest<br />

may have a better chan nce to adapt tto<br />

a new w economic reeality.<br />

Page 112<br />

No Clear C End inn<br />

Thailand''s<br />

Political Theatre T<br />

One December D eveening,<br />

crowdss<br />

broke out<br />

in lau ughter as theey<br />

watched ppantomime<br />

actors s mimic oh-so-familiar<br />

politicians<br />

who were foes one<br />

minute and<br />

instant<br />

friend ds the next --<br />

after an exxchange<br />

of<br />

mone ey -- and thenn<br />

posed for thhe<br />

cameras<br />

with wide, fake smiles. But what the<br />

actors s parodied at<br />

the Bangkook<br />

Theatre<br />

Festiv val, held justt<br />

after a neww<br />

government emerged froom<br />

the ru ubble of the laatest<br />

round off<br />

political inst tability in Thaai<br />

land, was what many<br />

believe hhappened<br />

in real life. Afteer<br />

all, th hey have beenn<br />

watching poolitical<br />

theatre e unfold on thhe<br />

nation nal stage throough<br />

2008.<br />

Page 220<br />

FairC Climate Ammbassadors'<br />

Poznan Diary<br />

Karina<br />

Böckmann B<br />

DDeutsche<br />

Reedaktion<br />

CONTEN NTS | INHALLT<br />

Page 226<br />

Heikee<br />

Grit<br />

Nasdaala<br />

Mos skau-Porsch<br />

Titelbild: : © Manooche er Deghati|IRIN<br />

Bildredakktion:<br />

Barbaraa<br />

Schnöde [M Mail Boxes Etcc.]<br />

3


EEDITORIAL<br />

YYesterdday<br />

– annd<br />

Todday<br />

The staatement<br />

refleccts<br />

the utter bluntness cha aracteristic of Tandon who took charge of o the Centre in<br />

2005. HHis<br />

long careeer<br />

in national and internat tional developpment<br />

spans aas<br />

a policyma aker, a politiccal<br />

activistt,<br />

a professor and a public intellectual. He was deeplly<br />

involved in the struggle against a the diic<br />

tatorshiip<br />

of Idi Aminn<br />

and spent soome<br />

time in exile. e Tandonn<br />

is a nationall<br />

of Uganda and a received hhis<br />

degreess<br />

in economiccs<br />

and internaational<br />

relatio ons from the LLondon<br />

School<br />

of Economic cs. He taught at<br />

seeveral<br />

universsities<br />

worldwiide<br />

including the Makereree<br />

University (U Uganda), the Dar-es-Salaamm<br />

University (Tanzania), the<br />

Loondon<br />

School of Economics and Columbiaa<br />

University.<br />

Prior<br />

to joiningg<br />

the South Ceentre,<br />

he servved<br />

as the Foounding<br />

Direct tor of the Souuthern<br />

and Eastern<br />

African Trade Informma<br />

tion<br />

and Negottiations<br />

Instituute<br />

(SEATINI). . He has writtten<br />

over one hundred h schollarly<br />

articles aand<br />

has autho ored and editeed<br />

boooks<br />

on wide ranging subjeects<br />

including on African poolitics,<br />

Peace and Security, Trade and WTTO,<br />

Internatio onal Economiccs,<br />

Soouth<br />

– South CCooperation<br />

and<br />

Human Rigghts.<br />

He has aalso<br />

served on several advisory<br />

committeees.<br />

The<br />

South Centre<br />

has grownn<br />

out of the wwork<br />

and experience<br />

of the<br />

South Commmission<br />

and itts<br />

follow-up mechanism, m and<br />

frrom<br />

recognition<br />

of the neeed<br />

for enhanced<br />

South-South<br />

cooperati ion. The Report<br />

of the Soouth<br />

Commission,<br />

chaired by<br />

foormer<br />

Tanzanian<br />

presidentt,<br />

late Mwalimmu<br />

Julius Nyerrere,<br />

emphasised<br />

that the South is not well organize ed at the globbal<br />

leevel<br />

and has tthus<br />

not been effective in mmobilising<br />

its considerable combined expertise<br />

and exxperience,<br />

no or its bargaining<br />

poower.<br />

Seet<br />

up in 1987 at the Non Alligned<br />

Summitt<br />

Meeting in HHarare<br />

in Sept tember 1986, the Commission<br />

consisted of o distinguisheed<br />

inndividuals<br />

fromm<br />

the South wwho<br />

had differrent<br />

backgrouunds<br />

and political<br />

persuasioons.<br />

It functioned<br />

as an inde ependent boddy,<br />

wwith<br />

its membeers<br />

serving in their personaal<br />

capacities. Its term was set s for three yyears<br />

and its wwork<br />

was fina anced by contri<br />

butions<br />

from the<br />

developingg<br />

countries. TThe<br />

Commissioon's<br />

Secretariat<br />

was establlished<br />

in Geneeva<br />

with the assistance froom<br />

thhe<br />

Governmennt<br />

of Switzerlaand.<br />

Inn<br />

the Report TThe<br />

Challengee<br />

to the Soutth,<br />

issued in AAugust<br />

1990 the t Commissioon<br />

assessed thhe<br />

South's ach hievements and<br />

faailings<br />

in the development field and suggested<br />

directions<br />

for action.<br />

Although the<br />

Commissioon<br />

carried out t its work in the<br />

final<br />

years of a decade thatt<br />

devastated mmany<br />

economies<br />

in the Sou uth, the Repoort<br />

strikes a noote<br />

of hope and a makes a cco<br />

geent<br />

case for sself-reliant,<br />

ppeople-centred<br />

developmennt<br />

strategies. The Commisssion<br />

also showws<br />

how developing<br />

countriies<br />

coould<br />

gain streength<br />

- and bbargaining<br />

powwer<br />

- throughh<br />

mutual co-o operation. Deescribing<br />

how the world ar rrangements ffor<br />

trrade,<br />

finance, , and technoloogy<br />

handicap the South, it urges the cou untries of the South to act in solidarity in<br />

the multitudde<br />

off<br />

North-South negotiations. . It also arguees<br />

that growinng<br />

global inter rdependence makes it beneeficial<br />

to all peoples p that the<br />

deeveloping<br />

couuntries<br />

have a fairer chancee<br />

to escape pooverty<br />

and att tain sustainabble<br />

developmeent.<br />

WWhen<br />

Tandon ttook<br />

over the Secretariat three<br />

years aggo,<br />

the Centre e had only onee<br />

programme, the Trade an nd Developmeent<br />

Programme<br />

(TDDP).<br />

It provideed<br />

negotiatingg<br />

briefs and caapacity<br />

building<br />

to trade neegotiators<br />

froom<br />

the countries<br />

of the Souuth<br />

foor<br />

the World Trade Organisation<br />

(WTO) negotiations. . It also acted d as an incubbator<br />

for workk<br />

in the areas s of intellectuual<br />

property<br />

and global<br />

governaance.<br />

In the laast<br />

three yearss,<br />

the TDP has s itself expandded<br />

to face neew<br />

challenges s.<br />

At<br />

the same time,<br />

the workk<br />

on intellectuual<br />

property aand<br />

the global<br />

governance components hhave<br />

matured d into new units<br />

off<br />

their own – respectively, the Innovatioon<br />

and Access to Knowledge e Programme (IAKP), and thhe<br />

Global Gov vernance Deveel-<br />

oppment<br />

Programme<br />

(GGDP). . The GGDP, in<br />

turn, is noww<br />

incubating a potentially nnew<br />

unit on cliimate<br />

change.<br />

Ramesh<br />

Jaura<br />

Chief<br />

Editor<br />

4<br />

"We livee<br />

in a world oof<br />

paradoxes: for 200 years s, countries thhat<br />

are now inndustrialised<br />

had h easy acceess<br />

to knowwledge.<br />

Thesee<br />

same countrries<br />

are now placing p barrieers<br />

on the floww<br />

of knowledge!<br />

The pirattes<br />

of yesteerday<br />

are poinnting<br />

fingers at pirates of today," says DDr.<br />

Yash Tandon,<br />

executive e director of the<br />

Genevaa-based<br />

South Centre, an intergovernme<br />

ental policy think<br />

tank of tthe<br />

developin ng countries ees<br />

tablisheed<br />

in July 1995.<br />

We focus onn<br />

global affairss<br />

that include issues<br />

related to t developmennt<br />

cooperationn<br />

– but go farth her.<br />

We offer<br />

the perspeectives<br />

of the GGlobal<br />

South – the South in both b the developed<br />

and deveeloping<br />

countri ies.<br />

We give voicce<br />

to the voiceeless.<br />

We are<br />

open to all aarguments<br />

andd<br />

examine theese<br />

carefully.<br />

We offer in-ddepth<br />

perspecctives<br />

based onn<br />

facts.<br />

Support us in our mi ission: contaact@global-pperspectives<br />

s.info<br />

Subsccribe.<br />

Advertise.<br />

Donat te.<br />

KOMMUNIKAATION<br />

<strong>GLOBAL</strong> | JANUAR 20009


New York – Die AAbteilung<br />

für Süd-Süd-<br />

Koopperation<br />

(SU/SSC)<br />

beim Entwicklungssprogramm<br />

der<br />

Vereinten Nationen<br />

(UNDDP)<br />

hat die errste<br />

globale Soozialbörse<br />

eingeerichtet.<br />

Das neue Portal [www.ss-<br />

hdsxx.org]<br />

bietet Investoren<br />

diee<br />

Möglichkeit<br />

zu einer soziaal<br />

sinnvollen Geldanla-<br />

ge. Anteile an dden<br />

bislang zzwei<br />

dort<br />

präseentierten<br />

Proojekten<br />

sind für je 25<br />

US-DDollar<br />

zu haben.<br />

"WWir<br />

haben es mit einem wwirklichen<br />

Markkplatz<br />

für Inveestitionen<br />

vonn<br />

sozialem<br />

Wertt<br />

zu tun", saagt<br />

Francisco Simplicio<br />

vom UN/SSC zu dder<br />

im Vorfeldd<br />

des UN-<br />

Tagss<br />

für Süd-Südd-Zusammenaarbeit<br />

am<br />

19. DDezember<br />

erööffneten<br />

Börsee.<br />

Diee<br />

beiden zurzzeit<br />

eingestelllten<br />

Pro-<br />

jektee<br />

bringen Sri Lanka und Inndien<br />

und<br />

Kenia<br />

und Brasilieen<br />

zusammen. Im einen<br />

Fall sollen 50 srilaankische<br />

Frauuen<br />

in der<br />

Weitterverarbeitunng<br />

von Garneelen<br />

aus-<br />

gebilldet<br />

werden, damit sie sicch<br />

selbst-<br />

ständdig<br />

machen köönnen.<br />

Im andderen<br />

Fall<br />

solleen<br />

Kenianer in<br />

Brasilien kuunsthand<br />

werkkliche<br />

Expertise<br />

erwerbenn<br />

und ihr<br />

Buennos<br />

Aires – Daas<br />

argentinische<br />

Innenminissterium<br />

hat inn<br />

den letzten n 17<br />

Monaaten<br />

102.000 Waffen und 721.000 Stücck<br />

Munition aaus<br />

dem Verk kehr<br />

gezoogen<br />

und zersstört.<br />

In diesser<br />

Zeit wurdde<br />

die freiwilllige<br />

Abgabe von<br />

Wafffen<br />

und Munittion<br />

mit zwiscchen<br />

34 und 150<br />

US-Dollar belohnt und ille- i<br />

galenn<br />

Waffenbesittzern<br />

Straffreeiheit<br />

garantiert.<br />

Das Proggramm<br />

endet am<br />

11. DDezember.<br />

Daanach<br />

wird derr<br />

illegale Wafffenbesitz<br />

wieder<br />

geahndet.<br />

Diee<br />

Idee zu der<br />

Initiative kaam<br />

vom argeentinischen<br />

Enntwaffnungsne<br />

etz-<br />

werkk<br />

RAD und wurde<br />

vom Innenministerium<br />

landesweit umgesetzt.<br />

"Un nser<br />

Plan funktioniertee<br />

gut, obwohl er wenig bewworben<br />

wurdee.<br />

Wir hoffen auf<br />

eine Wiederaufnahme",<br />

sagt Caarola<br />

Cóncaroo<br />

vom Institut für vergleich hende<br />

RRechts-<br />

und Soozialwissenschhaften<br />

INECIP, , einem Mitglied<br />

von RAD. Die<br />

Erwaartungen<br />

seien<br />

bei weitemm<br />

übertroffen worden, so Cóncaro weit ter.<br />

Man habe mit 35.0000<br />

bis 45.0000<br />

eingehendenn<br />

Waffen gereechnet.<br />

RAAD<br />

formierte ssich<br />

im Jahree<br />

2004. Anlasss<br />

war der Ammoklauf<br />

eines 15-<br />

Jährigen<br />

in Carmeen<br />

de Patagonnes<br />

im Osten der Hauptstaddtprovinz<br />

Bue enos<br />

Airess.<br />

Der Jugenddliche<br />

erschosss<br />

in seiner Scchule<br />

drei Mittschüler<br />

und ver- v<br />

letztte<br />

fünf weiteere.<br />

Das Netzzwerk<br />

hat sicch<br />

seither deem<br />

Kampf ge egen<br />

Wafffengewalt<br />

verrschrieben.<br />

Naach<br />

offiziellenn<br />

Angaben sind<br />

in Argentinien<br />

rund 1,2 Millionen Waf ffen<br />

legall<br />

in Privatbessitz,<br />

mindestens<br />

ebenso vviele<br />

illegal iim<br />

Umlauf. Eine E<br />

Umfrrage<br />

des Meinnungsforschunggsinstituts<br />

'Moora<br />

y Araujo' bbelegt,<br />

dass etwa<br />

2,2 MMillionen<br />

der 338<br />

Millionen AArgentinier<br />

beewaffnet<br />

sind.<br />

Zeehn<br />

Menschen sterben in AArgentinien<br />

tääglich<br />

an Schhussverletzung<br />

gen,<br />

drei von ihnen beei<br />

Raubüberfäällen,<br />

die übrrigen<br />

bei Streitigkeiten,<br />

du urch<br />

Selbbstmord<br />

oder<br />

einen Unfaall.<br />

"Die hohhe<br />

Nachfragge<br />

nach Waf ffen<br />

erklärt<br />

sich aus der Angst dder<br />

Menscheen,<br />

einem Verbrechen<br />

zum z<br />

Opfeer<br />

zu fallen", , sagt Cóncaroo.<br />

Daabei<br />

ist bekannt,<br />

dass mit dder<br />

Zahl der imm<br />

Umlauf befindlichen<br />

Waf ffen<br />

auchh<br />

die Gewalt ssteigt.<br />

So belegt<br />

eine Unteersuchung<br />

derr<br />

Regierung, dass d<br />

Schuusswaffenverleetzungen<br />

die zzweithäufigste<br />

Todesursachhe<br />

in Argentin nien<br />

sind und dass sichh<br />

28 Prozent dieser Todesfälle<br />

in der FFamilie<br />

ereign nen.<br />

Um zzwölf<br />

Prozentt<br />

steigt das RRisiko,<br />

der häuuslichen<br />

Gewaalt<br />

zum Opfer r zu<br />

falleen,<br />

wenn sich im Haushalt eeine<br />

Waffe befindet.<br />

Nooch<br />

erfolgreicher<br />

als in Arggentinien<br />

warr<br />

eine Entwafffnungskampa<br />

agne<br />

in Brasilien<br />

im Jahre<br />

2004. BBei<br />

dieser Sammelaktion<br />

kkonnten<br />

440. 000<br />

Schuusswaffen<br />

einggezogen<br />

werdeen.<br />

�<br />

GLOBBAL<br />

PERSPECTTIVES<br />

| JANUAARY<br />

<strong>2009</strong><br />

UNDPP<br />

richtet<br />

Sozi ialbörse<br />

ein<br />

Wissen späteer<br />

an mindest tens 100 Men-<br />

schen weiterggeben.<br />

32.000 resppektive<br />

45.00 00 Dollar werr<br />

den für die beiden Vorha aben benötigtt.<br />

Wer investieert,<br />

wird reg gelmäßig über<br />

die Verwenduung<br />

seiner Mi ittel und über<br />

den sozialen Nutzen seine er Geldanlagee<br />

unterrichtet.<br />

Sozialbörseen<br />

sind keine e neue Erfin-<br />

dung. Es gibtt<br />

sie auch in n Entwicklung-<br />

sländern wie in Brasilien, China, Indienn<br />

und Südafrikka.<br />

In Brasilie en war Celsoo<br />

Greco am Aufbau<br />

der erst ten nationalenn<br />

Sozialbörse dder<br />

Welt im m Jahre 20033<br />

beteiligt.<br />

"Wir habenn<br />

uns die guten<br />

Seiten des<br />

Kapitalismus zunutze gem macht – etwaa<br />

die Transpareenz<br />

– und uns s die schlech-<br />

ten – die Gierr<br />

nach schnell lem Geld –vomm<br />

Leib gehalteen",<br />

beschreibt<br />

er seinenn<br />

Ansatz. Die Erfahrungen n seien sehr<br />

zufriedenstellend.<br />

Nach Angaben vonn<br />

Greco wurdeen<br />

in Brasilien<br />

81 der 1044<br />

gelisteten Prrojekt<br />

mit insgesamt<br />

7,55<br />

Millionen Doollar<br />

vollständ dig über diee<br />

Argenntinien<br />

zieht über 100.0000<br />

Waffeen<br />

ein<br />

DDIE<br />

WELT AN NDERS SEHHEN<br />

Börse finanziert.<br />

Noch hhat<br />

die neue globale g Sozialbörse<br />

mit dem UNDP erst einen e bedeuteenden<br />

Partner, aber offenba ar denkt die WWelt<br />

bank über<br />

eine Bete eiligung zumindest<br />

nach. Zuur<br />

Börseneröff fnung schickte<br />

die<br />

internationale<br />

Finanz zinstitution ihren<br />

Mitarbeitter<br />

Yuvan A. . Beejadhur. "Die<br />

Kernfragee<br />

für uns ist t, welche Auuswir<br />

kungen ssolche<br />

Börseninitiativen<br />

auuf<br />

die<br />

Operationen<br />

der Welt tbank haben", , sagt<br />

er. Simpplicio<br />

verspric cht sich viell<br />

von<br />

einer mööglichen<br />

Bete eiligung der BBank.<br />

Deren Arrbeit<br />

– von oben o nach unten<br />

–<br />

wäre einne<br />

gute Ergän nzung zum Böörsen-<br />

konzept, das genau umgekehrt – von<br />

unten naach<br />

oben – funktioniert.<br />

SU/SSCC-Chef<br />

Yiping g Zhou hältt<br />

die<br />

neue Börrse<br />

SS-HDSX fü ür einen Grunnd<br />

zur<br />

Hoffnungg.<br />

Der Markpl latz habe das<br />

Po-<br />

tenzial zu einer wichtigen<br />

Entwick<br />

lungsplatttform<br />

für de en Süden zu wer<br />

den. Jettzt<br />

komme es e auf die aaktive<br />

Teilnahmme<br />

der öffentlichen<br />

und privvaten<br />

Hand undd<br />

der Zivilgese ellschaft an. ��<br />

puntocerohaciaelfuturo.blogspot.com<br />

5


DIE WELT ANDERS SEHEN<br />

Biokaffee aus der Dominikanischen Republik<br />

Los Cacaos – Dörfer in zehn Provinzen<br />

im Süden der Dominikanischen Republik<br />

haben sich zu einer Initiative zusammengeschlossen,<br />

die offenbar<br />

erfolgreich Biokaffee für den Weltmarkt<br />

produziert. Während Herstellung und Vertrieb weitgehend<br />

in den Händen von Frauen liegt, machen ihre Kinder<br />

Lehrgänge zur Steigerung der Produktivität.<br />

In dem Karibikstaat, der sich mit Haiti die Insel Hispaniola<br />

teilt, dreht sich das Leben von einem Zehntel der Bevölkerung<br />

um Kaffee. Für 700.000 Menschen ist das Geschäft mit<br />

den Bohnen die einzige Einnahmequelle. Den meisten Farmern<br />

hat der Anbau jedoch keinen Wohlstand gebracht, und<br />

viele sind auf alternative Agrarerzeugnisse umgestiegen<br />

oder haben ihre Parzellen verlassen.<br />

Nur in den Dörfern der zehn Provinzen im Süden des Landes<br />

erging es den Kaffeebauern besser. Hier profitieren die<br />

Menschen von dem Umstieg auf den organischen Anbau. Die<br />

Ernten werden vor allem auf dem kanadischen, französischen,<br />

spanischen und US-amerikanischen Markt abgesetzt.<br />

Nach Angaben des Nationalen Instituts für Agrar- und<br />

Waldwirtschaftsforschung produzieren Kleinbauern auf ihren<br />

nur ein bis 50 Hektar großen Parzellen 78 Prozent des dominikanischen<br />

Kaffees. Exportiert wurden im vergangenen Jahr<br />

rund 1.070 Tonnen. An der New Yorker Börse erzielen 100<br />

Kilo Kaffee rund 35 US-Dollar.<br />

Die dominikanischen Kaffeeplantagen liegen in den Bergregionen<br />

– dort, wo die soziale Not am größten ist. Dem UN-<br />

Entwicklungsprogramm (UNDP) zufolge leben 74 Prozent der<br />

Gebirgsbewohner in Armut. Das tägliche Pro-Kopf-<br />

Einkommen der kleinen Kaffeebauern liegt bei gerade einmal<br />

80 US-Cent.<br />

In den vergangenen Jahren haben der Niedergang der<br />

internationalen Kaffeepreise und Pflanzenkrankheiten viele<br />

Farmer gezwungen, auf den Anbau anderer Kulturpflanzen<br />

umzusteigen. Etwa 25.000 Familien verließen ihr Land, um<br />

sich anderswo ein Auskommen zu suchen.<br />

Die Vereinigung der Kaffeebauern der südlichen Regionen<br />

(FEDECARES) ist bemüht, ihren Mitgliedern ein solches<br />

Schicksal zu ersparen. Sie vertritt 7.500 Kaffeepflanzer, die<br />

zehn bis zwölf Prozent der dominikanischen Kaffeebohnen<br />

produzieren. "Wir sind Teil der Fair-Trade-Bewegung. 90<br />

Prozent unserer Erzeugnisse werden nach ökologischen Ge-<br />

sichtspunkten hergestellt. Das heißt,<br />

wir verzichten auf künstlichen Dünger<br />

oder Pestizide", so der FEDECARES-<br />

Vorsitzende Refino Herrera.<br />

Die Verbandsmitglieder produzierten<br />

im vergangenen Jahr zwischen 2.000 und 2.500 Tonnen<br />

Kaffee. Die Monatseinkommen bewegen sich um die 185<br />

Dollar, das ist mehr als das Doppelte, was herkömmliche<br />

Kaffeebauern verdienen.<br />

Um die Lebensbedingungen der Familien zu verbessern,<br />

versucht FEDECARES den Nachwuchs der armen Kaffeebauern<br />

in Entwicklungsprogramme zu integrieren. So hat der<br />

Verband ein Stipendienprogramm auf den Weg gebracht, das<br />

von Universitäten der Dominikanischen Republik und Kubas<br />

finanziert wird. Ziel ist es, den jungen Leuten in den Kaffee<br />

produzierenden Gebieten zu einem Universitätsabschluss zu<br />

verhelfen. Im vergangenen Jahr erhielten zehn Kinder dominikanischer<br />

Kaffeebauern ein Stipendium für ein Studium an<br />

einer Hochschule.<br />

Fair ist mehr<br />

"Diese Stipendien sind nicht nur wichtig, weil sie uns beruflich<br />

weiterbringen, sondern auch weil sie uns ermöglichen,<br />

unseren Familien daheim zu helfen. Wir können unser<br />

Wissen einsetzen, um die Entwicklung unserer Dörfer voranzubringen",<br />

erläutert die ehemalige Stipendiatin Cesarina<br />

Encarnación, die inzwischen eine Stelle bei 'Agroesa', einem<br />

Kaffeeunternehmen in Los Cacaos, 70 Kilometer westlich<br />

der Hauptstadt Santo Domingo, hat.<br />

FEDECARES vergibt zudem jedes Jahr einen Preis für den<br />

besten ökologischen Landbau. Das Preisgeld geht nicht an<br />

die Gewinner, sondern fließt in Sozial- und Entwicklungsprogramme,<br />

wie der Farmer Juan Lugo Franco berichtet. Mit<br />

den Beträgen werden beispielsweise Straßen, Schulen und<br />

Gesundheitszentren gebaut.<br />

"Wir treffen uns monatlich, um uns über die Marktentwicklung<br />

zu informieren", berichtet Lugo Franco. "Dann einigen<br />

wir uns auf gemeinsame Maßnahmen." Frauen spielen dabei<br />

eine zunehmend eine aktive Rolle. "Wir haben 40 Familien<br />

davon überzeugt, wie wichtig es ist, uns bei der Landverteilung<br />

gleichberechtigt zu behandeln", sagt Viviana Martes<br />

Lorenzo von der Vereinigung der Frauen in Aktion (AMA).<br />

- Valeria Vilardo | Karina Böckmann �<br />

Afrikas arme Staaten besonders kinderfreundlich<br />

London – In Afrika sind einige besonders armen Staaten wesentlich<br />

kinderfreundlicher als vergleichsweise reiche Länder. Das hat eine<br />

neue Untersuchung des Afrikanischen Forums für Kinderpolitik<br />

(ACPF) mit Sitz in der äthiopischen Hauptstadt Addis Abeba ergeben.<br />

Die Studie hebt Mauritius und Namibia auf die beiden Spitzenplätze<br />

und lobt Ruanda und Burkina Faso für eine recht gute<br />

Bilanz trotz wirtschaftlicher Notlage.<br />

Das neue Ranking berücksichtigte über 40 Indikatoren und alle afrikanischen Staaten mit Ausnahme von Somalia, das faktisch<br />

keine staatlichen Strukturen zu bieten hat, und der international nicht anerkannten Westsahara. Ausschlaggebend für die Einstufung<br />

waren Kriterien wie die Unterzeichnung von Kinderrechtsabkommen, nationale Bemühungen um den Schutz etwa vor Missbrauch,<br />

Kinderehe oder körperlicher Züchtigung, aber auch die staatlichen Aufwendungen für Kindergesundheit.<br />

Die ersten zehn Plätze belegen Mauritius, Namibia, Tunesien, Libyen, Marokko, Kenia, Südafrika, Malawi, Algerien und die<br />

Kapverden. Auf den letzten zehn Plätzen finden sich Guinea-Bissau, der Staat mit den schlechtesten Noten, sowie Eritrea, die<br />

Zentralafrikanische Republik, Gambia, São Tomé und Príncipe, Liberia, der Tschad, Swasiland, Guinea und die Komoren.<br />

Ganz besonders hebt der neue Report hervor, dass vier arme Staaten die größten Investoren in die Kindergesundheit sind: Burkina<br />

Faso, Ruanda, Liberia und Malawi. Alles in allem liegen 16 Staaten zehn Plätze oder mehr über ihrer Position in einem Ranking<br />

nach dem Bruttoinlandsprodukt. Der neue Bericht ist der erste seiner Art für den afrikanischen Kontinent. Er wurde mit<br />

Hilfe der Hilfswerke 'Plan International' und 'International Child Support' (ICS) finanziert. �<br />

6 <strong>KOMMUNIKATION</strong> <strong>GLOBAL</strong> | JANUAR <strong>2009</strong>


Großmütter kämpfen gegen Aids in Swasiland<br />

DIE WELT ANDERS SEHEN<br />

Mbabane/New York – Das kleine Königreich Swasiland ist das Land mit der weltweit höchsten Aids-Infektionsrate. Fast 40 Prozent<br />

der Bevölkerung sind HIV-positiv. Der Rest lebt in ständiger Gefahr, sich mit dem Tod bringenden Virus anzustecken. Ein<br />

neuer Dokumentarfilm nimmt die Großmütter in den Blick, die als letzte die durch Aids zerfallende Gesellschaft zusammenhalten.<br />

Auf dem diesjährigen New Yorker Margaret-Meade-Festival für Film und Video vom 14. bis 16. November feierte 'Today the<br />

Hawk Takes One Chick' (Heute nimmt der Falke sich ein Küken) Premiere. In dem Film folgt Regisseurin Jane Gillooly dem Alltag<br />

dreier Großmütter in der ostswasischen Region Lubombo, wo 38,5 Prozent der Menschen HIV-infiziert sind.<br />

Eine der drei 'Gogos', wie die Großmütter im südlichen Afrika genannt werden, ist die Krankenschwester Thandiwe Mathujwa.<br />

Sie besucht täglich Familien, um Aidspatienten zu betreuen und Aufklärung zu leisten. Maria Shongwe wiederum versucht unter<br />

größten Schwierigkeiten, ihre zehn Enkel durchzubringen, die ihr die an der Immunschwächekrankheit verstorbenen Kinder hinterlassen<br />

haben. Albertina Skhosana, die ebenfalls für ihre Enkel sorgen muss, fragt sich, ob ihre Kinder noch am Leben wären,<br />

hätte sie sie vor fünf Jahren besser über Aids Bescheid gewusst.<br />

"Was passiert, wenn die Gogo einmal nicht mehr lebt?" ist eine der<br />

entscheidenden Fragen im Film. Es geht aber bei weitem nicht nur<br />

um dem Überlebenskampf der Gogos sondern die Geschichte einer<br />

ganzen Kultur und Gesellschaft, die alles zu verlieren droht, was<br />

bisher von einer Generation zur nächsten weitergegeben wurde.<br />

Wie sehr aber die Gesellschaft Swasilands zu zerfallen droht, wird<br />

beim Besuch einer Familie deutlich, die nur noch aus Kindern besteht.<br />

Thandiwe ist die einzige Erwachsene, mit der sie zu tun haben.<br />

Die Krankenschwester weist darauf hin, dass Aidswaisen das<br />

Wissen um die kulturellen Traditionen verlieren und folglich auch<br />

nicht weitergeben können. Die Gogos erscheinen als letzte Trägerinnen<br />

einer bedrohten Kultur. "Uns steht eine andere Welt bevor, in<br />

der Kinder das tun, wonach ihnen ist, weil nie jemand auf sie aufgepasst<br />

hat", so Thandiwe.<br />

© www.janegillooly.com<br />

Nach einem Bericht der UN-Ernährungs- und Landwirtschaftsorganisation<br />

FAO gab es 2007 69.000 Aidswaisen in dem eine Million<br />

Einwohner zählenden Land. Die Internationale Arbeitsorganisation ILO geht davon aus, dass sich die Infiziertenrate 2<strong>01</strong>0 bei 36<br />

Prozent einpendelt. Bis dahin wird das Land ein Viertel seiner Bevölkerung an Aids verloren haben.<br />

Der Film zeigt mit Ausnahme der Nahrungsmittelhilfe, wie sie von US-Entwicklungsbehörde USAID und Welternährungsprogramm<br />

(WFP) geleistet wird, wenig, was die internationale Gemeinschaft tut, um Swasiland zu helfen. Aufklärungs- und Präventivmaßnahmen<br />

scheinen eher Sache kleiner lokaler Initiativen zu sein. So ist Krankenschwester Thandiwe diejenige, die mit<br />

Frauen über Aids und Kondome redet.<br />

Die Regierung hat zwar einige Initiativen gegen Aids ins Leben gerufen, doch erreicht hat sie deutlich zu wenig. 1999 erklärte<br />

König Mswati III. die Epidemie zu einer nationalen Krise. Doch die finanziellen Ressourcen im Kampf gegen ihre Ausbreitung der<br />

Krankheit reichen bei weitem nicht aus. Nach einem Regierungsbericht stehen dafür nur 0,25 Prozent des Haushaltsbudgets zur<br />

Verfügung. Auch die staatliche Altersversorgung reicht nicht aus, um zumindest den Gogos weiterzuhelfen. Was an Renten gezahlt<br />

werde, seien Peanuts, berichtet Thandiwe. Und so kennzeichnet die Angst um die Zukunft Swasilands den Film. Thandiwe<br />

spricht einmal in einem Gesundheitszentrum der Region zu wenigen Zuhörern über Aids und die Folgen für die Kinder: "Wenn sie<br />

nicht gut auf sich aufpassen, wird Swasiland nicht mehr existieren", warnt sie. �<br />

Marokkaner gründet Menschenrechts-Netzwerk<br />

Casablanca – Mostafa Hannaoui hat ein ehrgeiziges Ziel: Der<br />

Marokkaner will 300 Millionen Menschen im arabischen Raum<br />

dazu ermuntern, für ihre Menschenrechte einzutreten. Dazu<br />

hat er ein einzigartiges Netzwerk ins Leben gerufen, das die<br />

Menschen in 24 arabischen Ländern über ihre Rechte aufklären<br />

soll und gegen staatliche Unterdrückung ankämpfen will.<br />

Immer noch gilt in vielen arabischen Ländern die Todesstrafe.<br />

Menschen werden unterdrückt, verfolgt und bespitzelt.<br />

Mit seinem 'Rights and People'-Projekt will Hannaoui die<br />

Bürger in der arabischen Welt über ihre Rechte aufklären<br />

und ihnen alle wichtigen Informationen zugänglich machen.<br />

Wie Hannaoui in einem IPS-Interview erläutert, gibt es in<br />

der gesamten arabischen Welt keine größere Organisation,<br />

die sich vehement für die Einhaltung der Menschenrechte<br />

einsetzt. Das grundlegendste Recht eines Menschen, das<br />

Recht auf Leben, werde kaum verteidigt, so der Menschenrechtsaktivist.<br />

"Material über die Todesstrafe und die Menschenrechte<br />

in arabischer Sprache ist kaum zu finden. Hier<br />

werden wir den Hebel ansetzen und alle Publikationen in<br />

Arabisch ins Internet stellen. Denn alle Bürger sollen die<br />

Möglichkeit erhalten, ihre Rechte wahrzunehmen und zu<br />

schützen."<br />

Hannaoui will auch kulturelle Denkmuster überprüfen.<br />

"Allzu oft werden Gerichtsurteile in der arabischen und asiatischen<br />

Welt mit der Scharia oder kulturellen Werten begründet.<br />

Hier muss eine komplette Neubewertung her. Diese<br />

Lehren sind mehrere hundert Jahre alt und entstammen den<br />

damaligen Begebenheiten."<br />

Wie der Menschenrechtler ausführt, basierten viele dieser<br />

Lehren auf der Annahme, dass die Welt eine Scheibe sei.<br />

"Heute aber sind wir auf einem ganz anderen Kenntnisstand.<br />

Deshalb braucht auch die arabische Welt eine moderne Scharia,<br />

die den heutigen Lebensumständen angepasst ist." Aufgabe<br />

der Mitarbeiter von Rights and People wird sein, religiöse,<br />

kulturelle und soziale Strukturen in der arabischen Welt<br />

zu studieren, Menschenrechtsverletzungen und ungerechtfertigte<br />

Gerichtsurteile zu dokumentieren sowie Missstände<br />

publik zu machen. "Wir erhoffen uns eine große Wirkungskraft,<br />

da wir professionell arbeiten und alle Informationen<br />

frei zugänglich veröffentlichen werden", so Hannaoui. �<br />

<strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> | JANUARY <strong>2009</strong> 7


OPINION<br />

Daisaku Ikeda is a Japanese Buddhist philosopher and peace‐builder and president of the Soka<br />

Gakkai International (SGI) grassroots Buddhist movement (www.sgi.org).<br />

No Law Says That<br />

By Daisaku Ikeda<br />

Our world today faces unprecedented problems,<br />

for a start, the current environmental<br />

and financial crises. Without global solidarity<br />

and a conscious commitment to peaceful<br />

coexistence both within human society and<br />

with the systems of life that support us, it is<br />

becoming clear that there is no future for<br />

us. We have reached a point where we each<br />

need to strive in our own unique way to<br />

make the greatest possible contribution to<br />

the realisation of human rights.<br />

"Human rights are the essence of the reason<br />

and spiritual values that characterise<br />

humanity, the manifestation of the most<br />

noble qualities of the human being."<br />

These are the profound words of Austregesilo<br />

de Athayde, president of the Brazilian<br />

Academy of Letters, one of the active<br />

participants in the process of drafting of the<br />

Universal Declaration of Human Rights<br />

(UDHR).<br />

The principles voiced in the Declaration,<br />

adopted sixty years ago, have since been<br />

codified in the form of various international<br />

human rights instruments and have further<br />

been enshrined in the constitutions of many<br />

countries. The Declaration stands as a powerful<br />

beacon in humanity's struggle for human<br />

rights.<br />

However, the reality of today is that people<br />

in many places around the world are<br />

deprived of their basic human rights and<br />

freedoms and struggle under the heel of<br />

oppression. In addition to armed conflicts in<br />

various regions, extreme poverty, and<br />

shortages of food, drinking water, and<br />

medical supplies claim nearly 24,000 lives<br />

every day.<br />

Opportunity to reflect<br />

In East Asian tradition, one's 60th birthday<br />

signifies the completion of a cycle of life, an<br />

opportunity to reflect and reassess. What is<br />

important now is to heighten people's<br />

awareness of human rights, to return once<br />

more to the spirit in which the UDHR was<br />

created and ensure that people around the<br />

world deepen their commitment to bringing<br />

human rights to life and make them a central<br />

priority of the 21st century.<br />

The core of the UDHR consists of "firstgeneration<br />

human rights" -which are essentially<br />

related to civil and political rights-<br />

and "second-generation human rights" -<br />

economic and social rights. Since the UDHR<br />

was promulgated, and with the achievement<br />

of independence by countries in Africa and<br />

Asia in the second half of the 20th century,<br />

increasing attention has been given to<br />

"third-generation human rights" -the socalled<br />

"solidarity rights", which include the<br />

right to development, to a safe and healthy<br />

environment, to peace, and to access humanity's<br />

common heritage.<br />

8 <strong>KOMMUNIKATION</strong> <strong>GLOBAL</strong> | JANUAR <strong>2009</strong>


People Have to Suffer<br />

Two trends become apparent as<br />

we review the history of human<br />

rights.<br />

The first is a shift from a reactive<br />

approach of protecting<br />

people from human rights<br />

abuses to a more proactive<br />

approach of engagement in<br />

realising a better life and a<br />

better society. The second is a<br />

shift from a focus on the rights<br />

of individuals in isolation to a<br />

broader, more inclusive emphasis<br />

on human solidarity and<br />

creative coexistence with the<br />

environment.<br />

Ultimately, the promise of<br />

human rights can only be fulfilled<br />

through the development<br />

of a rich spirituality rooted in a<br />

respect for the lives of others<br />

and heartfelt concern for the<br />

natural environment.<br />

It is by taking action for the<br />

sake of others, for the sake of<br />

society, and for the sake of<br />

future generations that human<br />

beings can grasp the significance<br />

of our having been born<br />

in this world and can experience<br />

genuine fulfilment and<br />

happiness. This is also the true<br />

significance of Athayde's statement.<br />

According to the Buddhist understanding<br />

of interdependence,<br />

nothing in this world can<br />

exist in isolation. We exist<br />

within a web of mutually supporting<br />

and sustaining relationships.<br />

In a sense, humanity is<br />

one family, interconnected<br />

through the "ocean of life" that<br />

is the Planet Earth. Any attempt<br />

to build personal happiness or<br />

societal flourishing on the suffering<br />

of others cannot, in the<br />

long term, succeed.<br />

More than 100 years ago, the<br />

first president of the Soka Gak-<br />

www.tmakiguchi.org<br />

Austregéliso‐de‐Athayde| Wikipedia Commons<br />

OPINION<br />

kai (Value-creating Society) movement, Tsunesaburo Makiguchi (1871-1944) - the founder of Soka education who was imprisoned<br />

for his opposition to Japan's militarist regime and died in prison- surveyed the development of international society and called<br />

for the world to move from military, political, and economic forms of competition to an age of "humanitarian competition". This<br />

may be understood as a call for a change in our sense of values, to a striving for the welfare and happiness of both the self and<br />

others.<br />

Rosa Parks, the mother of human rights in the US, once spoke of the advice she received from her mother: "My mother taught<br />

me self-respect. She said, 'There's no law that says people have to suffer." She stressed it was important not only to respect<br />

others, but to be the kind of person other people respect.<br />

Contributing to others, working for the sake of others, is not a matter of duty. It is not simply a matter of morality. It is the<br />

highest pinnacle of our lives as humans. As can be strongly affirmed by mothers around the world who cherish life, to be able to<br />

contribute to the happiness of others is, indeed, a human right.<br />

Contributing to others opens the path of greater value than the quest for material possessions. This is the path toward the<br />

flourishing and blooming of the fathomless world of the human heart. © IPS | <strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> �<br />

<strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> | JANUARY <strong>2009</strong> 9


OPINION<br />

Choosing which developments of the past year may prove of<br />

enduring significance, whether as the most positive or negative<br />

or some mixture of both, is inevitably subjective, but this<br />

observer of the global scene would spotlight the following:<br />

Ten Best<br />

Bush agrees to Iraq withdrawal. After nearly six years of<br />

summoning America to fight till “victory” in Iraq, President<br />

George W. Bush capitulated to the demands of the elected<br />

regime the United States had brought to Baghdad for the<br />

complete withdrawal of all U.S. troops by 2<strong>01</strong>1. Far from<br />

locking in an open-ended U.S. military presence in the Arab<br />

heartland as advocates of the invasion had expected, the<br />

status of forces agreement became the rallying point for a<br />

fractious Iraqi political class - emboldened by an improving<br />

security situation—to unite in demanding that the Americans<br />

go home.<br />

Cuba opens the door a crack. The Castro family continued<br />

to hold the reins in Havana after an incapacitated Fidel’s<br />

resignation, but successor Raúl initiated a series of steps to<br />

loosen the straitjacket of his brother’s purist communism:<br />

permitting Cubans to buy cell phones and computers; issuing<br />

private taxi licenses; opening foreign tourist enclaves to Cubans;<br />

allowing farmers to buy land and sell produce directly;<br />

even eliminating some salary caps. Though security services<br />

continued to jail dissenters, Cuba signed the International<br />

Covenant on Civil and Political Rights that Fidel had long<br />

opposed, prompting the European Union to relax sanctions<br />

against Havana and again join this year’s lopsided U.N. majority<br />

(185–3) calling for an end to the failed U.S. embargo.<br />

ICC prosecutor targets Sudan president on Darfur. Luis<br />

Moreno-Ocampo, chief prosecutor for the International<br />

Criminal Court (ICC), threw the UN Security Council into turmoil<br />

by demanding from the ICC tribunal an arrest warrant<br />

against Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir, charging him<br />

with ordering genocide - Moreno did not shy away from the<br />

word - in the guise of “counterinsurgency.” Echoing longstanding<br />

arguments made by U.S. opponents of the ICC, Russia<br />

and China warned that an indictment would get in the<br />

way of a political deal to “solve” the Darfur crisis; human<br />

rights defenders, by contrast, saw the execution of arrest<br />

warrants as a big step toward a real solution, one founded on<br />

justice.<br />

Iraq accountability gathers steam. Raising hopes among<br />

U.S. advocates of the rule of law, the expiring Bush administration<br />

found itself under intensifying pressure on multiple<br />

fronts regarding widespread alleged illegalities in Iraq and in<br />

its treatment of detainees. Federal courts insisted on judicial<br />

review of Guantánamo detentions, inspectors-general documented<br />

massive waste in the U.S. occupation and willful<br />

deception on its failures, the administration’s favored private<br />

security force faced indictments for wanton killing of<br />

Iraqi civilians and expulsion from the country—and the Senate<br />

Armed Services Committee officially traced responsibility<br />

for torture directly to top administration officials.<br />

Literacy campaign produces progress. Halfway through<br />

the United Nations’ decade-long global effort to conquer<br />

illiteracy - of which U.S. First Lady Laura Bush has been a<br />

chief patron and honorary ambassador—the UN Educational,<br />

Scientific and Cultural Organization reported a jump in the<br />

global literacy rate from 76 to 84 percent so far this decade.<br />

With the largest pools of illiterate adults residing in such<br />

high-growth developing economies as Brazil, China, and India,<br />

these countries’ redoubled investment in literacy should<br />

The Best and the Worst of 2008<br />

By Jeffrey Laurenti<br />

yield major reductions in the worldwide total of adults disabled<br />

by illiteracy, but UNESCO warns that most other developing<br />

countries are not on track to meet the Millennium Development<br />

Goal of halving every country’s illiteracy rate by<br />

2<strong>01</strong>5.<br />

Lula’s Brazil eclipses Venezuela as lighthouse for the<br />

Latin left. Venezuela’s Bush-bashing president Hugo Chávez -<br />

beset by electoral setbacks at home and an abrupt crash in<br />

the oil revenues that had fueled his patronage of like-minded<br />

leaders abroad—continued to lose traction with Latin America’s<br />

resurgent democratic left. Brazil’s Lula da Silva, steadier<br />

and respected across the ideological spectrum, cemented<br />

his position as leader of the Latin left—deftly able to confront<br />

conservative Washington without provoking it, even<br />

while admitting communist Cuba into the Latin/Caribbean<br />

region’s Rio Group.<br />

Multiplying mediators move Middle East peace. As President<br />

Bush’s Annapolis “peace process” promising an accord<br />

between Israelis and Palestinians by the end of 2008 stalled<br />

out, other mediators emerged to facilitate negotiations that<br />

he could not—with Egypt and Qatar mediating talks between<br />

Israel and Hamas-ruled Gaza (and between Hamas and Palestinian<br />

president Mahmoud Abbas’s West Bank-based authority),<br />

and Turkey as go-between for Israeli and Syrian negotiations.<br />

Though embattled prime minister Ehud Olmert outraged<br />

his former allies on the Israeli right by confessing that<br />

long-held “messianic dreams” of a greater Israel are unattainable<br />

and a return to the 1967 borders essential for Israel’s<br />

survival, his lame-duck government’s massive assault<br />

on Gaza when a fraying truce expired at year’s end left prospects<br />

for peace in <strong>2009</strong> problematical.<br />

Obama election excites worldwide “hope.” The world<br />

watched with amazement as American voters defied all expectations<br />

to nominate and then elect as president a biracial<br />

son of Africa, raised in Muslim Indonesia and pan-Asian Hawaii—symbolically<br />

as well as substantively as complete a<br />

repudiation as could be imagined of the harsh ideology<br />

Americans had accepted with Bush in 2004. The unprecedented<br />

200,000 people who gathered in July to hear the candidate<br />

in Berlin evidenced the hopes for change invested in<br />

Barack Obama worldwide, as well as a reawakened admiration<br />

of America’s ideals, which his post-election commitment<br />

to “strengthening international institutions” did not disappoint.<br />

Polio, eliminated from Somalia, is again in retreat. Despite<br />

war and political anarchy, Somalis - supported financially<br />

by UN agencies, governments, and private funders such<br />

as Rotary International - succeeded in 2008 in eliminating<br />

polio, which had re-entered the country three years ago from<br />

northern Nigeria. With new polio infections worldwide having<br />

fallen from 350,000 twenty years ago to 1,308 in 2007, the<br />

World Health Organization this year targeted Afghanistan and<br />

Pakistan as the next countries to be made polio-free, leaving<br />

India and Nigeria as the last redoubts of the disease.<br />

Wobbly Pakistan returns generals to the barracks. Despite<br />

military ruler Pervez Musharraf’s efforts to cling to<br />

power through manipulated elections, Pakistan’s voters<br />

swept his loyalists out of parliament and handed power to a<br />

democratic coalition that forced the general into retirement.<br />

But the Islamabad security establishment—long involved with<br />

Islamic extremists in fomenting conflict in both Afghanistan<br />

and India - continues to resist control by elected civilians, as<br />

do restive tribal regions near Afghanistan, and the fate of<br />

Pakistan’s restored democracy remains very much in doubt.<br />

10 <strong>KOMMUNIKATION</strong> <strong>GLOBAL</strong> | JANUAR <strong>2009</strong>


Ten Worst<br />

Afghanistan unravels. Hamid Karzai’s beleaguered government<br />

in Kabul proved increasingly ineffectual in providing<br />

services to its population, or even security in its supposed<br />

strongholds, as Taliban insurgents extended their attacks<br />

throughout the country. Few European allies seemed to<br />

share the emerging Washington political consensus that more<br />

Western troops are needed to turn the tide militarily, and<br />

Karzai himself helplessly demanded control over highcasualty<br />

U.S. air strikes and invited direct talks with the<br />

Taliban’s Mullah Omar on an all-Afghan peace settlement.<br />

Burma cyclone heightens country’s misery and isolation.<br />

Myanmar’s rigid military rulers, whose violent suppression of<br />

Buddhist monks’ protests in September 2007 had outraged<br />

the West, adamantly rejected nearly all outside assistance<br />

when Cyclone Nargis, Asia’s most violent storm in two decades,<br />

slammed into the low-lying Irrawaddy delta, killing<br />

some 146,000 people. The upland-based military regime’s<br />

fierce indifference to survivors’ desperate circumstances<br />

seemed especially callous after even China<br />

welcomed aid following a deadly earthquake<br />

just weeks later, and it triggered calls in some<br />

Western circles for military intervention to<br />

deliver aid supplies (and presumably topple the<br />

regime) under guise of a “responsibility to protect.”<br />

Climate change negotiations stall. Even as<br />

UN meteorologists reported another year of<br />

rising average temperature and extreme<br />

weather, and despite the warning shot of a<br />

staggering spike in oil prices, negotiations on a<br />

global pact to reverse greenhouse gas emissions<br />

failed to make substantive progress, with the<br />

Bush administration frozen in continuing denial<br />

and newly industrializing countries coy about<br />

restricting their fast-growing emissions. With<br />

Italy’s Silvio Berlusconi citing the global economic<br />

crisis as a reason to block European Union<br />

commitments to deep reductions, even the<br />

Europeans began backpedaling, approving a climate-change<br />

package late in the year that the World Wide Fund for Nature<br />

charged would actually lower E.U. carbon emissions just<br />

4 percent—not the promised 20 percent—below 1990 carbon<br />

emissions levels.<br />

Congo war drains lives and resources. Hopes that the UNsponsored<br />

election in 2006 would lead to Congo’s peaceful<br />

reunification evaporated this year, as president Joseph<br />

Kabila’s government suffered demoralizing military reversals<br />

at the hands of Rwandan-backed rebel forces in eastern<br />

provinces and erosion in its authority elsewhere in the country.<br />

The Congo war, while drawing far less international<br />

attention than Darfur, continued as the world’s deadliest<br />

conflict, producing an estimated 5 million fatalities and tying<br />

down the UN’s largest peacekeeping operation of 19,000<br />

troops at a cost of $1.2 billion a year.<br />

India, Pakistan veer toward confrontation. The progress<br />

that South Asia’s two nuclear-armed antagonists had seemed<br />

to make toward détente, especially after elected civilians<br />

regained office in Pakistan, was reversed late in the year<br />

after a Pakistan-based extremist group long tied to Islamabad’s<br />

secret security services launched a devastating terrorist<br />

attack on Mumbai. U.S. officials, anxious to keep Pakistan’s<br />

troops in its western provinces to suppress armed<br />

elements aiding Afghanistan’s Taliban, worked feverishly to<br />

contain the crisis; by explicitly citing Kashmir as part of the<br />

regional puzzle, President-elect Obama raised concerns<br />

among Indian officials who have long and successfully strived<br />

to keep the state’s status off the international agenda.<br />

OPINION<br />

Irish block EU integration. Ireland’s voters, whose spectacular<br />

economic growth has resulted directly from gaining<br />

membership in the European Union, in June voted down the<br />

Lisbon Treaty, a streamlined version of the draft E.U. constitution<br />

that was derailed in 2005. Though Dublin vowed to<br />

hold a new referendum in <strong>2009</strong>, advocates of the overhaul to<br />

free E.U. decision-making from a single member’s veto<br />

feared that the continent’s small island outpost may have<br />

dashed hopes for a united Europe to become a credible<br />

heavyweight on the international stage.<br />

Russia’s estrangement divides the West. Russia - already<br />

irate about Bush administration plans to place antimissile<br />

facilities in Poland and expand NATO to include the ex-Soviet<br />

republics of Ukraine and Georgia—made good on its threat to<br />

counter Western recognition of Kosovo’s independence by<br />

crushing Georgia’s bid to seize control of South Ossetia and<br />

recognizing it and Abkhazia as independent. Washington<br />

found ready allies among NATO’s ex-communist member<br />

states for rushing Kiev and Tbilisi into the Atlantic alliance,<br />

but western Europeans lead by Germany,<br />

France, and Italy—all determined to prevent<br />

a gratuitous new cold war with Moscow—adamantly<br />

opposed extending NATO<br />

security guarantees to the two seemingly<br />

unready and politically divided states.<br />

Somalia breakdown spawns pirate<br />

swarms. Somalia’s bickering “transitional<br />

government” was poised to transit out of<br />

Mogadishu by year’s end as the Ethiopian<br />

troops that the Bush administration had<br />

recruited two years earlier to battle<br />

Islamist factions proved unable to control<br />

their resurgence. Unchecked by any government<br />

authority, Somali seafarers revived<br />

the ancient practice of piracy, hijacking<br />

freighters for ransom and imperiling<br />

shipping through the Red Sea; and the<br />

UN Security Council’s call for naval forces<br />

to suppress the pirates afforded China’s<br />

modernizing navy the chance to make its international debut.<br />

U.S. leads world economy over the brink. The freemarket<br />

“pirates” who had hijacked the U.S. politicalfinancial<br />

complex and infected financial institutions worldwide<br />

with their unregulated toxic securities sought government<br />

rescue as their house of cards collapsed, dragging one<br />

pillar of the U.S. economy after another into the black hole<br />

of a global financial meltdown. Spurning the Washington<br />

orthodoxy imposed on other troubled economies in recent<br />

decades, American authorities spent freely on serial bailouts<br />

hoping to free up credit, prop up demand, and avert a second<br />

Great Depression—leaving America’s yawning financial<br />

and trade imbalances with East Asia (and consequent power<br />

realignments) to the incoming Obama administration to sort<br />

out.<br />

Vise tightens on Zimbabwe. The desperate economic conditions<br />

caused by the aging Robert Mugabe’s implacable land<br />

expropriations led to his defeat in the first round of Zimbabwe’s<br />

presidential election, but he clung to power through<br />

a wave of terror unleashed by loyalist goons. While a number<br />

of African countries finally broke with the one-time liberation<br />

hero, South Africa led a Security Council bloc that rebuffed<br />

Western eagerness to intervene - but South Africa’s<br />

own much touted “quiet diplomacy” proved utterly incapable<br />

of persuading Mugabe to share power with the elected<br />

opposition, as by year’s end a cholera epidemic delivered<br />

nature’s own harsh verdict on his sclerotic regime.<br />

© The Century Foundation | <strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> �<br />

Jeffrey Laurenti<br />

This article has been reprinted by permission of The Century Foundation www.tcf.org.<br />

<strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> | JANUARY <strong>2009</strong> 11


WINDOW ON EUROPE<br />

'We Were Very Good Students of NEO-LIBERAL Ideology'<br />

Zoltan Dujisin interviews Hungarian economist ANDRAS INOTAI<br />

A region that has enthusiastically embraced free market economics since the collapse of state socialism is facing new socioeconomic<br />

and political challenges. Dr. Andras Inotai, director-general of the Institute for World Economics of the Hungarian<br />

Academy of Sciences, says countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) that have not oriented themselves exclusively to the<br />

West may have a better chance to adapt to a new economic reality.<br />

IPS: How will the post-communist<br />

countries in CEE react to the global<br />

financial crisis?<br />

Andras Inotai: There will be an<br />

evolving macroeconomic crisis, with<br />

the deepest depression since World<br />

War II and a deceleration of growth<br />

rates which in CEE were around 4 to<br />

6 percent. This will have social implications<br />

with losses in health and<br />

pension funds and the stock exchange.<br />

IPS: What are the causes of the<br />

expected halt in economic growth?<br />

AI: The crisis may hit individual<br />

CEE economies differently. The<br />

economies of the region had not only<br />

different growth rates but also different<br />

engines of growth. Domestic<br />

consumption, investments and exports<br />

were the three usual factors<br />

for economic growth.<br />

In south-eastern Europe the main<br />

driving force was domestic consumption,<br />

and the crisis will hit them<br />

hardest. The Czech Republic, Slovakia,<br />

Poland and Hungary were benefiting<br />

from export growth and their<br />

future depends on the main exports<br />

markets, but Western Europe is the<br />

largest market for these countries.<br />

IPS: But Western Europe is going<br />

into recession...<br />

AI: The Czech Republic, Slovakia<br />

and Poland are deeply integrated in<br />

the German market, much more<br />

than Hungary, therefore the German<br />

recession will have a larger impact<br />

for them.<br />

It is important to see what will be<br />

the answer from big car manufactur-<br />

ing companies. They have more competitive subsidiaries in CEE, and if they cut<br />

production the question is where. If German taxpayers give billions of euros to save<br />

a car manufacturer, they won't want that money to go to the Slovak subsidiary,<br />

even if it is more competitive.<br />

IPS: Which social groups are more at risk in this crisis?<br />

AI: Interestingly, not those employed by the private sector, but the public administration<br />

and public services that remained state-owned enterprises, such as<br />

railways, urban transportation and health sector. But the most dangerous consequence<br />

of the crisis, particularly for Central Eastern Europe, could be an ideological<br />

crisis.<br />

IPS: What sort of ideological crisis?<br />

AI: With a deep recession, declining income and higher unemployment, there is<br />

fertile ground for populism, demagogy, nationalism and extremism, and in all countries<br />

in the region you will find politicians who will gladly use this opportunity to<br />

seize power by promising a country of honey and milk with no special sacrifice.<br />

IPS: In Ukraine the internal political struggle has been postponed to face the crisis.<br />

AI: This would be the reasonable answer to a crisis situation, to stop political and<br />

ideological polarisation and join forces. But I am doubtful that many big political<br />

parties are ready for this.<br />

IPS: What difference can social cohesion make?<br />

AI: A society with a high level of solidarity is more likely to avoid high costs in the<br />

crisis. But if each social group starts playing against the other, and if the domestic<br />

political environment becomes uncertain, we will only aggravate the situation,<br />

particularly in CEE where divisions are strong.<br />

IPS: Where should government support go? Many are speaking of aiding small and<br />

medium enterprises (SME).<br />

AI: Governments should do everything to avoid deepening the crisis, but the different<br />

groups must understand they should take part of the burden for the crisis.<br />

One area of government support is in physical infrastructure: railways, highways,<br />

bridges, ports, environmental protection, where there are tasks that need to be<br />

done, and now you can accelerate the process just to create new jobs for people.<br />

These investments will become profitable, maybe not in the first year, but surely in<br />

the future.<br />

However, I fully disagree with plans to give money to those SMEs which are not and<br />

will never be competitive; money could disappear in the pockets of so-called entrepreneurs<br />

who are only directed by a tax cheating mentality and getting government<br />

subsidies. We just cannot afford this luxury anymore. We must only give<br />

money to those companies that prove to be competitive.<br />

12 <strong>KOMMUNIKATION</strong> <strong>GLOBAL</strong> | JANUAR <strong>2009</strong>


"The economies of the region had not only<br />

different growth rates but also different<br />

engines of growth. Domestic consumption,<br />

investments and exports were the three<br />

usual factors for economic growth."<br />

– Dr. Andras Inotai<br />

WINDOW ON EUROPE<br />

IPS: State intervention and ownership is likely to grow everywhere in the world; what will happen in countries<br />

such as Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia where free market ideology has played an important<br />

role?<br />

AI: The current crisis and state interventions in the United States and Western Europe constitute a very bad<br />

message to those countries that in the last 20 years were trained and influenced by neo-liberal ideas. CEE<br />

was a very good student of this neo-liberal ideology, and now we see that this ideology may have created<br />

the crisis.<br />

I would be a bit careful with this assessment, but we did criminally ignore the lack of regulation of global<br />

financial markets. State regulation, not direct intervention, is necessary. If this regulation is done at the EU<br />

rather than the national level this will be good because it will deepen European integration, but at the<br />

moment there is a danger that everyone does something at the national level.<br />

IPS: The Slovak government recently warned companies not to lay off employees, adopting a tougher language<br />

towards businesses in a country where car manufacturing is crucial. Is this signalling a new relation<br />

between businesses and politics in the region?<br />

AI: Yes. This can easily lead to the strengthening of national economic policies at the expense of European<br />

economic policies and European integration, but it can also create nationalist ideology. When living standards<br />

are going down, people will be more impatient and they will be quick to blame someone; not their<br />

own governments but Brussels, the Americans -- to some extent this is justified because the crisis started<br />

there -- international financial circles, the New York-Tel Aviv axis, Russia and Germany, or their<br />

neighbours. You will always find an enemy.<br />

IPS: There are fears in Hungary and Ukraine, where national currencies risked collapse, that the substantial<br />

IMF loans provided may have dangerous conditions attached.<br />

AI: We don't know the exact conditions. The main requirement is that the process of cutting budget deficits<br />

should not be brought to a halt. The best is if we don't use these loans at all, they are an umbrella, a message<br />

to investors that the government will fulfil its tasks. It only makes sense to use this loan to pay back<br />

credits with higher interest rates than that of the IMF's money.<br />

IPS: But citizens from CEE do not trust the political class, and tend to see it as corrupt. Are there reasons<br />

to worry about where this money will end up?<br />

AI: There has been a clear counter-selection concerning the political elite. If they lose their position as a<br />

politician most of them cannot do anything, either they don't have a diploma or it is outdated, and that's<br />

why we have so many 'survival politicians', playing the most immoral games to maintain their positions.<br />

IPS: The region has also been known for its Atlanticism. Will the crisis have geopolitical implications?<br />

AI: There are geopolitical implications, but not as a result of the crisis. The crisis is to some extent a consequence<br />

of the already advancing shift in global geography. China and Asia in general have become the<br />

growth centre of the global economy, the Transatlantic region is no longer the centre of future growth.<br />

IPS: For those countries that did not look only westwards, there may be a possibility to export to emerging<br />

economies.<br />

AI: Much will depend on their capacity to reorient exports to countries with markets that are still growing.<br />

China, the Balkans, the Arab countries, India, the Far East and Russia could become new targets of CEE exports.<br />

Poland and Hungary have been very successful in exports to Russia, and Hungary was the leading regional<br />

exporter to China, whereas the Czech Republic and Slovakia rely very much on EU markets, and I don't<br />

know to what extent they will be flexible to go to other markets as well. IPS | <strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> �<br />

<strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> | JANUARY <strong>2009</strong> 13


WINDOW ON EUROPE<br />

Just When Hope Was at Hand<br />

By Vesna Peric Zimonjic from Belgrade<br />

The Balkans region, crippled by the wars of the 1990s and then<br />

pushed through painful transition to a market economy, has been<br />

hit hard by the global economic crisis just when everyone believed<br />

the time had come for promising new development.<br />

"For the first ten months of 2008, we have seen one of the best<br />

economic years for more than a decade," Serbian Prime Minister<br />

Mirko Cvetkovic said at a press conference in Belgrade Dec. 17.<br />

"However, the effects of the worst global crisis seem about to hit<br />

us as hard. This is a kind of crisis none of us has seen in our lives."<br />

Thousands have been laid off across Bosnia, Croatia, Serbia and<br />

Macedonia. Albania and Montenegro too have run into economic<br />

stagnation over the past couple of months.<br />

The hardest hit are the metal processing and textile industries,<br />

together with tourism and services. The last two have been the big<br />

boost for economic growth, particularly in Croatia and Montenegro.<br />

"The region cannot avoid the global crisis," Nobel Prize winning<br />

economist Joseph Stiglitz said on a recent visit to Belgrade. He now<br />

heads an expert body for monitoring the financial crisis, set up by<br />

the United Nations General Assembly in September.<br />

"Some countries will be hit directly on the trade level, others because<br />

of the fall of the price of raw materials," he said. "This crisis<br />

began at the centre, in the U.S., but the periphery will be hit the<br />

most, because exports and direct foreign investments will suffer.<br />

The region depends on Europe, which will suffer even greater consequences<br />

than the U.S."<br />

"We are already witnessing that," analyst Goran Nikolic told IPS.<br />

"Serbia relies on exports; food and raw materials such as copper<br />

and iron make 40 percent of exports. The price of copper dropped<br />

by half in the past two months."<br />

Prime Minister Mirko Cvetkovic |Wikipedia<br />

The international conglomerate Rio Tinto, potential investors in<br />

the Serbia copper industry, announced in November that it will lay<br />

off more than 13,000 people worldwide. "So, Serbia cannot expect much from there," Nikolic said. Similarly with plans to sell<br />

Russia oil enterprises in Serbia worth some 400 million euros. With Russia also in recession, prospects for that sale are now<br />

small.<br />

Slowdown all around<br />

Serbia's deal with the Italian company Fiat to revive the<br />

car industry in the central town Kragujevac is also in doubt,<br />

with Fiat struggling to survive at home. "If Serbia reaches 3<br />

percent growth in <strong>2009</strong>, that will be a success," analyst<br />

Stojan Stamenkovic told IPS. "That is a major blow, as<br />

growth was around 7.5 percent for 2008, which is likely the<br />

figure for the region."<br />

Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia saw 6 percent growth in<br />

the first ten months of the year, Macedonia 5.2 percent and<br />

Montenegro 7 percent. All that is now expected to slow to<br />

less than half. "It would be a miracle if Croatia reaches 2<br />

percent growth next year," analyst Zeljko Lovrincevic from<br />

the Economy Institute of Zagreb told local media.<br />

"There will be a dramatic fall of investment into tourism,<br />

construction and the ship building industry." The three are<br />

the big engines of the Croatian economy.<br />

"The slowdown in economic activity will last till the end of<br />

2<strong>01</strong>0 or beginning of 2<strong>01</strong>1," he added.<br />

Fears are mounting that the high unemployment rate<br />

could go up. Bosnia's official unemployment rate stands at<br />

30 percent, but is more likely to be around 45 percent. In<br />

Croatia it is 12.6 percent, and in Macedonia 34.9 percent.<br />

Montenegro puts it at 11 percent, and Serbia 20 percent.<br />

Little is being said about the former southern Serbian<br />

province Kosovo, which declared independence in February.<br />

So far, this least developed area of the Balkans has received<br />

little foreign investment. But small private business that saw<br />

some momentum over the past years are now recording<br />

decline, going by figures at the business registration office<br />

of the Ministry of Trade and Industry.<br />

"Of the 90,000 businesses registered, around 50 percent<br />

can be considered inactive," Mehdi Pllashniku, head of the<br />

business registration office told local media.<br />

According to Safet Gerxhaliu from the Kosovo Chamber of<br />

Commerce, the high number of inactive businesses is worrying.<br />

"This clearly illustrates that business in Kosovo is in<br />

crisis," he told local media.<br />

In neighbouring Albania, the situation seems to be much as<br />

in other areas of the Balkans. Albanian Prime Minister Sali<br />

Berisha said at a business roundtable recently that the<br />

economy would be affected by the global downturn.<br />

"Albania is not directly affected by the crisis, but will see<br />

a slowdown in emigrant remittances, which account for<br />

almost a billion euros (1.47 billion dollars) every year," Berisha<br />

said.<br />

More than 700,000 Albanians are working abroad, supporting<br />

more than two million people in their country.<br />

"For us there is little more to do than to continue our work<br />

that improves the environment for investments, despite<br />

what happens in the international markets," Berisha said.<br />

Serbian President Boris Tadic told reporters that Serbian<br />

authorities will "do whatever is necessary to maintain jobs<br />

for the employed."<br />

Croatian Prime Minister Ivo Sanader called for a "tightening<br />

of belts" to survive the crisis. But he brushed off predictions<br />

that 150,000 people might be left jobless in near future.<br />

IPS | <strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> �<br />

14 <strong>KOMMUNIKATION</strong> <strong>GLOBAL</strong> | JANUAR <strong>2009</strong>


WINDOW ON EUROPE<br />

Mega Solar Power Plant Begins to Operate in Portugal<br />

The most ambitious and innovative<br />

solar power project in the world kicked<br />

off Dec. 29 in this white-walled village<br />

in the southern Portuguese municipality<br />

of Moura, one of the most impoverished<br />

areas in the European Union.<br />

The Acciona Energy S.A. company<br />

has put into service the Amareleja<br />

photovoltaic power plant, located 150<br />

km south of Lisbon, which is capable of<br />

producing enough energy to supply<br />

30,000 households in the south-central<br />

region of Alentejo.<br />

Almost simultaneously, the mayor of<br />

Moura, José María Prazeres Pós-de-<br />

Mina, was selected as one of the ten<br />

finalists for the prestigious 2008 People<br />

of the Year award granted by One-<br />

World, a non-governmental news network<br />

that is one of the most highlyrespected<br />

international organisations<br />

devoted to raising environmental<br />

awareness and promoting change.<br />

The only requirement for nomination<br />

was that the candidates embody the<br />

values of OneWorld, which include<br />

human rights for all, fair distribution of<br />

the world's natural and economic resources,<br />

simple and sustainable ways<br />

of life, the right of every individual to<br />

inform and be informed, participation<br />

and transparency in decision-making,<br />

and social, cultural, and linguistic<br />

diversity.<br />

Pós-de-Mina, who was born 50 years<br />

ago in Pías, another village in the municipality<br />

of Moura, keeps a low profile,<br />

but has nevertheless become<br />

famous throughout Europe as "the<br />

mayor of the future" for his pioneering<br />

work in renewable energy.<br />

The grandson, son and nephew of<br />

prominent anti-fascist activists who<br />

were persecuted and incarcerated by<br />

Portugal’s 1926-1974 dictatorship, Pósde-Mina<br />

became politically active at an<br />

early age when he joined the Union of<br />

Communist Students, an organisation<br />

that played a major role in the opposition<br />

to the dictatorial regime.<br />

But his militant background did not<br />

prevent Pós-de-Mina from becoming a<br />

skilful businessman, and after earning<br />

a BA in business administration he took<br />

on the challenge of founding the Amper<br />

Solar power company, planting the<br />

seed for what is now the world’s largest<br />

solar energy plant.<br />

Located in the Baldio da Ferraría, a<br />

250-hectare sun-scorched plain, the<br />

plant was built at a cost of 410 million<br />

dollars in the sunniest area of Portugal,<br />

the European country with the<br />

By Mario de Queiroz in Amareleja<br />

greatest number of sunlight hours per<br />

year.<br />

The reputation of this unassuming<br />

mayor of a small municipality of Portugal<br />

has transcended national borders,<br />

as he has come to be known as the<br />

architect of the most ambitious renewable<br />

energy project in the world.<br />

"It all happened without my even realising<br />

it," Pós-de-Mina confessed modestly<br />

when he learned that OneWorld<br />

described him as "the mayor of the<br />

future."<br />

The Amareleja Power Plant project<br />

involves photovoltaic (PV) technology<br />

that uses semiconductors to convert<br />

the sun’s rays into electric power.<br />

Within a year, the plant will have an<br />

installed capacity of 46 megawatts<br />

(MW).<br />

It is expected to be operating at full<br />

capacity by the year 2<strong>01</strong>0, when it will<br />

produce 64 MW using 2,520 solar trackers<br />

supporting 262 modules with<br />

268,000 PV panels producing 93 gigawatts/hour<br />

per year, generating sufficient<br />

electricity to power 30,000<br />

homes.<br />

The plant’s solar power production<br />

will contribute enormously to helping<br />

Portugal meet its greenhouse gas reduction<br />

commitments, drastically cutting<br />

carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions by<br />

152,000 tons a year.<br />

"This project is important for Moura<br />

and for Alentejo, but it is also important<br />

because of its contribution to the<br />

development of Portugal and its significance<br />

in Europe due to its size, as it<br />

will convert sunlight into 64 million<br />

watts," making it 12 times bigger than<br />

the largest solar power plant that<br />

exists today in the EU, which is located<br />

in Germany and produces five million<br />

watts, Pós-de-Mina told IPS in a recent<br />

interview.<br />

At the same time, the municipality<br />

of Moura launched the Sunflower project,<br />

which involves a network of eight<br />

municipalities from eight different<br />

countries in Europe (Bulgaria, Britain,<br />

the Czech Republic, France, Greece,<br />

Italy, Portugal, and Spain) that seek to<br />

transform their towns into what the EU<br />

calls "Zero Carbon Communities" under<br />

its Intelligent Energy - Europe (IEE)<br />

programme for the promotion of alternative<br />

energy sources.<br />

Sunflower’s goal is to "convert these<br />

EU communities into environments free<br />

of CO2 emissions by turning them into<br />

areas where only renewable energies<br />

are used," Pós-de-Mina added. The<br />

idea is to "conduct campaigns to raise<br />

awareness on the use of renewable<br />

energies and the benefits for the population,"<br />

he said.<br />

Pós-de-Mina’s work in Amareleja and<br />

the Sunflower project earned him the<br />

nomination for the OneWorld award.<br />

Both efforts began as a way of finding<br />

solutions to the area’s growing economic<br />

problems, but eventually turned<br />

into pioneer initiatives that serve as<br />

encouraging examples for the entire<br />

world.<br />

For this pragmatic communist mayor<br />

and businessman, harnessing Alentejo’s<br />

abundant sunlight seemed like "the<br />

most obvious way" to develop alternative<br />

renewable energy sources that<br />

would in turn create jobs in a region<br />

where unemployment -- at 15 percent -<br />

- is twice the national average.<br />

In 2007, the municipality of Moura<br />

sold the 88 percent stake it held in<br />

Amper Solar -- owner of the plant<br />

installation rights -- to the Spanish<br />

company Acciona, which has since<br />

become the sole shareholder in the<br />

solar plant, after the minority shareholders<br />

decided to follow the municipality’s<br />

example.<br />

Portugal’s solar, wind, and wave energy<br />

projects have received unconditional<br />

backing from the European<br />

Commission, the executive body of the<br />

EU, which seeks to speed up the continent’s<br />

transition to a low-CO2 economy.<br />

Until April 2004, Portugal’s solar and<br />

wind power generation was very low,<br />

in spite of the fact that the country is<br />

extremely sunny and windy.<br />

The wind energy generated in Portugal<br />

prior to 2007 was in fact practically<br />

marginal. At present, this country of<br />

92,000 square kilometres and 10.6<br />

million inhabitants is one of the top<br />

wind power generators in the EU.<br />

From 2004 to 2006, several wind<br />

power parks were built in Portugal,<br />

producing a total of 500 MW and putting<br />

this country in third place in the<br />

EU, after Germany (357,000 sq km and<br />

82 million inhabitants), which produces<br />

1,808 MW, and Spain (504,000 sq km<br />

and 46 million inhabitants), with a<br />

production of 1,764 MW, and ahead of<br />

Italy (3<strong>01</strong>,000 sq km and 59 million<br />

inhabitants), which has a total production<br />

of 452 MW.<br />

The change has been so drastic that<br />

Portugal went from being at the bottom<br />

of the EU’s renewable energy<br />

ranking to becoming one of the continent’s<br />

leading generators.<br />

IPS | <strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> �<br />

<strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> | JANUARY <strong>2009</strong> 15


COVER STORY | TITELTHEMA<br />

Poverty May Be Halved, After All<br />

By Global Perspective Monitoring Unit<br />

Despite the current financial turmoil and sharp slowdown in growth anticipated<br />

for this year, longer-term prospects for developing countries have<br />

changed only modestly compared with the year 2008 forecast, according<br />

to the World Bank's Global Economic Prospects <strong>2009</strong>.<br />

In part prospects are little changed because a slowdown had already<br />

been anticipated, albeit to a much lesser degree.<br />

Poverty in developing countries by region, selected years<br />

Region or country 1990 2005 2<strong>01</strong>5<br />

Number of people living on less than $1.25/day (millions)<br />

East Asia and the Pacific 873.3 316.2 137.6<br />

of which China 683.2 207.7 84.3<br />

Europe and Central Asia 9.1 17.3 9.8<br />

Latin America and the Caribbean 49.6 45.1 30.6<br />

Middle East and North Africa 9.7 11.0 8.8<br />

South Asia 579.2 595.6 403.9<br />

of which India 435.5 455.8 313.2<br />

Sub-Saharan Africa 297.5 388.4 356.4<br />

Total 1,818.5 1,373.5 947.2<br />

Number of people living on less than $2.00/day (millions)<br />

East Asia and the Pacific 1,273.7 728.7 438.0<br />

of which China 960.8 473.7 260.9<br />

Europe and Central Asia 31.9 41.9 26.7<br />

Latin America and the Caribbean 86.3 91.3 72.4<br />

Middle East and North Africa 44.4 51.5 33.3<br />

South Asia 926.0 1,091.5 959.5<br />

of which India 7<strong>01</strong>.6 827.7 714.5<br />

Sub-Saharan Africa 393.6 556.7 585.0<br />

Total 2,755.9 2,561.5 2,115.0<br />

Percentage of the population living on less than $1.25/day<br />

East Asia and the Pacific 54.7 16.8 6.8<br />

of which China 60.2 15.9 6.1<br />

Europe and Central Asia 2.0 3.7 2.2<br />

Latin America and the Caribbean 11.3 8.2 5.0<br />

Middle East and North Africa 4.3 3.6 2.5<br />

South Asia 51.7 40.3 23.8<br />

of which India 51.3 41.6 25.4<br />

Sub-Saharan Africa 57.6 50.9 37.1<br />

Total 41.7 25.2 15.5<br />

Percentage of the population living on less than $2.00/day<br />

East Asia and the Pacific 79.8 38.7 21.6<br />

of which China 84.6 36.3 18.9<br />

Europe and Central Asia 6.9 8.9 6.0<br />

Latin America and the Caribbean 19.7 16.6 11.8<br />

Middle East and North Africa 19.7 16.9 9.3<br />

South Asia 82.7 73.9 56.6<br />

of which India 82.6 75.6 57.9<br />

Sub-Saharan Africa 76.2 73.0 60.8<br />

Total<br />

Source: World Bank.<br />

63.2 47.0 34.6<br />

16 <strong>KOMMUNIKATION</strong> <strong>GLOBAL</strong> | JANUAR <strong>2009</strong>


COVER STORY | TITELTHEMA<br />

Despite the current financial turmoil and sharp slowdown in growth anticipated for this year,<br />

longer-term prospects for developing countries have changed only modestly compared with<br />

the year 2008 forecast, according to the World Bank's Global Economic Prospects <strong>2009</strong>.<br />

In part prospects are little changed because a slowdown had already been anticipated, albeit<br />

to a much lesser degree.<br />

The primary reason, however, lies in the longterm<br />

supply potential of developing countries,<br />

which should allow output to recoup the lost<br />

production induced by the coming growth recession<br />

during the first five years of the next decade.<br />

Per capita GDP in developing countries over<br />

the period 2<strong>01</strong>0–2<strong>01</strong>5 is expected to expand at a<br />

relatively rapid annual pace of 4.6 percent,<br />

much faster than the 2.1 percent pace of the<br />

1990s and the 0.6 percent average of the 1980s,<br />

replicating the average performance of this<br />

decade.<br />

Improvements in macroeconomic policies --<br />

lower inflation, relaxation of trade restrictions,<br />

more flexible exchange rate regimes, and lower<br />

fiscal deficits -- have combined with structural<br />

reforms such as privatization and regulatory initiatives<br />

to reduce uncertainty and generally improve<br />

incentives for investment.<br />

Projected future growth rates are higher than<br />

in the 1990s -- and much more so than in the<br />

1980s) -- in every developing region except East<br />

Asia and the Pacific, where growth is expected<br />

to decline somewhat because of an aging population.<br />

Rapid growth<br />

Rapid growth should enable developing countries,<br />

as a group, to achieve the Millennium Development<br />

Goal of halving poverty by 2<strong>01</strong>5.<br />

The poverty forecast for 2<strong>01</strong>5 is 15.5 percent,<br />

well below the target of 20.9 percent—half of<br />

the revised 1990 level as explained in more detail<br />

below.<br />

The East Asia and Pacific region has clearly surpassed<br />

its individual target, and South Asia is on<br />

target. The main concern remains Sub-Saharan<br />

Africa.<br />

Although the incidence of poverty in the region<br />

has been declining over the past decade,<br />

at about 37.1 percent in 2<strong>01</strong>5, the share of<br />

people living in extreme poverty will remain<br />

well above the region’s target of 29 percent<br />

(see poverty table on page 16).<br />

This year’s poverty forecast is consistent with<br />

the World Bank’s revised poverty estimates for<br />

developing countries.<br />

The new poverty estimates largely result from<br />

a revision of purchasing power parities (PPP) by<br />

using a new International Comparison Project<br />

survey of prices paid by households.<br />

The 2005 survey improved on the 1993 data<br />

and methods used to prepare previous estimates.<br />

The new price data reveal that the cost of living<br />

is higher in low-and middle-income countries<br />

than had been suggested by past surveys.<br />

Other factors influencing the changes to the<br />

poverty estimates include revisions to national<br />

accounts and the incorporation of new and<br />

more recent household surveys.<br />

The new poverty estimates provide a significantly<br />

different picture of global poverty - back<br />

to 1990 and in the most recent year, 2005.<br />

Global poverty in 1990, the benchmark year for<br />

the MDGs, is now estimated to have been 41.6<br />

percent of the developing country population<br />

(compared with the previous estimate of 28.7<br />

percent using the old prices and guidelines).<br />

This implies that the target for the poverty<br />

MDG is 20.9 percent, rather than the previous<br />

14.4 percent.<br />

The revisions had a significant affect on all<br />

regions, except Latin America and the Caribbean,<br />

which saw only minor adjustments.<br />

The case of China is illustrative. The headcount<br />

index for 1990 jumped from 33 percent to<br />

60.2 percent.<br />

This dramatic change was attributable mainly<br />

to the poor price comparison basis for the earlier<br />

estimate rather than to any underlying<br />

change in China itself.<br />

The combination of a new estimate of mean<br />

consumption and a new poverty line also implies<br />

a change in the starting value of the growth-topoverty<br />

elasticity.<br />

Even if the shape of the income distribution is<br />

broadly the same as in earlier income surveys<br />

(as is the case for many countries), the fact<br />

that the poverty line intersects the distribution<br />

at a different spot means that the impact of a<br />

given increase in per capita incomes has<br />

changed.<br />

Nevertheless, the rate of improvement in the<br />

headcount poverty rate between 1990 and 2005<br />

has not changed that much using the new estimates.<br />

This year’s forecast reports an annual decline in<br />

global poverty between 1990 and 2005 of some<br />

3.3 percent, which is very close to the earlier<br />

estimated annual decline of 3.2 percent.<br />

However, the higher poverty level means that<br />

25.2 percent of the developing world’s population<br />

was living on less than $1.25 a day in 2005,<br />

compared with last year’s estimate of 18.1 percent<br />

for 2004.<br />

As before, much of decline in global poverty<br />

between 1990 and 2005 results from increased<br />

incomes in China, where the level of extreme<br />

poverty fell from over 60 percent in 1990 to less<br />

than 16 percent in 2005. It should be noted that<br />

the impact on the poverty forecast of the recent<br />

rise in food and energy prices is not fully<br />

reflected in these projections, which largely reflect<br />

neutral changes in per capita incomes.<br />

The increase in food prices between January<br />

2007 and January 2008 is likely to have increased<br />

global poverty by between 130 million<br />

and 155 million people, or by 1.3–1.5percentage<br />

points. With prices now declining but not expected<br />

to return to their earlier levels, at least<br />

some of this deterioration is likely to be permanent.<br />

WORLD BANK | <strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> �<br />

<strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> | JANUARY <strong>2009</strong> 17


COVER STORY | TITELTHEMA<br />

Afghan Expectations Belied<br />

By Ramesh Jaura, InDepthNews (IDN)<br />

The Afghan peoples' expectations would appear to have been belied to a large extent despite seven years<br />

of international engagement in the country. The Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission<br />

(AIHRC) paints rather a gloomy picture of this beleaguered country in a new report.<br />

"Given the fact that the majority of Afghan population lives in rural areas, agriculture should be the<br />

backbone of Afghanistan’s development strategy. It received, however, only about 3 percent of total development<br />

money invested in the country since 20<strong>01</strong>," says the report.<br />

This is some half-a-billion dollars compared to some 15 billion dollars in total aid distributed to Afghanistan.<br />

The rights watchdog points out that to improve standard of living of the rural population, the government<br />

needs to focus on agriculture as matter of priority.<br />

"To ensure that the rural population can produce at least the food it consumes throughout the year,<br />

there is a need to improve irrigation system and provide farmers with access to both credit and high quality<br />

foundation seeds. The government needs to rehabilitate irrigation systems, rebuilding canals and karez<br />

as well as reducing water loss by improving the quality of canals and constructing irrigation dams."<br />

Agriculture needs more money<br />

According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the UN, Afghanistan utilises only 30 percent<br />

of available water resources. Rehabilitated irrigation will help to increase food production, says the AIHRC<br />

report. A case in point is that crop from irrigated land produces at least twice the crop from rain-fed land.<br />

For example, one hectare of irrigated land in Helmand or Herat in 2008 produced about seven to eight<br />

tons of wheat, whereas rain-fed land produced about 1.5 tons. Since the FAO program started operating in<br />

Afghanistan, roughly 500,000 hectares of irrigated land has been rehabilitated and among this, 100,000<br />

hectares of new land.<br />

Afghanistan has another 500,000 hectares of land that has yet to be rehabilitated, say the report.<br />

In total, roughly 75 million dollars were spent on irrigation reconstruction in Afghanistan and another 28<br />

million dollar investment is planned. This, however, represents only a fraction of the resources that is<br />

spent on other development efforts, the report says. "There is also a need to expand other opportunities<br />

for farmers. Access to credit is limited; it is easier to find informal credit to produce opium than to grow<br />

wheat."<br />

This report measures progress of the Afghan government towards securing the social and economic rights<br />

of its people, covering the period between January 2007 and March 2008. The Commission released two<br />

previous reports on Economic and Social Rights in Afghanistan in 2006 and 2007, respectively. These reports<br />

are available at the AIHRC’s web page, at www.aihrc.org.af.<br />

Establishing a stable state with a functional bureaucracy, accessible and affordable basic services, rule<br />

of law and gender equality requires long-term investments and careful planning.<br />

To ensure economic and social rights, Afghanistan’s legal and policy framework is drawn from two main<br />

legal documents, the 2004 Constitution of Afghanistan and the International Covenant on Economic, Social<br />

and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), coupled with the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) for Afghanistan, and<br />

the Afghanistan National Development Strategy (ANDS).<br />

Under these legal and policy provisions, the government of Afghanistan has a responsibility to its citizens<br />

in protecting and promoting labour rights, providing social security, creating an environment to achieve an<br />

adequate standard of living, reintegrating returnees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), protecting<br />

family life, and providing education and health services to the Afghan citizens.<br />

Fulfilling obligations to guarantee Afghan citizens an adequate standard of living and protect their economic<br />

and social rights is proving to be a difficult task, says the report. Despite the facts that 2007 saw<br />

some economic growth and hosted one of the best crop productions in years, the situation of average Afghans<br />

still remains precarious.<br />

Rising food prices in the world and the onset of the severe drought of 2008 created unprecedented numbers<br />

of foodinsecure people. The security situation has continuously deteriorated throughout the year. And<br />

the global economic crisis has yet to take its toll on the development of Afghanistan. These are only some<br />

of the challenges that the government has to address. Regardless, these cannot be made to excuse the<br />

current slow progress in securing social and economic rights for the Afghan people.<br />

Vulnerable Populations<br />

The report finds that vulnerable populations in Afghanistan continue to be excluded from development<br />

programs. Though, human rights based development is one of the important prerequisites to exercising social<br />

and economic rights. It is a fundamental component of a dignified life ensuring access to basic resources,<br />

education, health services, food, housing, employment, and the fair distribution of income.<br />

However, vulnerable populations in Afghanistan are excluded on three levels: (i) Donor-driven priorities<br />

strip Afghan citizens from their right to shape their lives. (ii) The policy-makers in Afghanistan fail to hear<br />

the needs of the people despite extensive consultations and remain largely tuned in to the desires of the<br />

international funding environment. (iii) Poor Afghans are excluded at the community level where poverty<br />

creates pockets of chronically underserved populations.<br />

Some extracts from the report follow.<br />

18 <strong>KOMMUNIKATION</strong> <strong>GLOBAL</strong> | JANUAR <strong>2009</strong>


COVER STORY | TITELTHEMA<br />

In total, roughly 75 million dollars were spent on irrigation reconstruction in Afghanistan<br />

and another 28 million dollar investment is planned. This, however, represents only a fraction<br />

of the resources that is spent on other development efforts, the report says.<br />

Law Enforcement<br />

No law enforcement, weak protection mechanisms<br />

and a dysfunctional civil registry undermine access<br />

to and the enjoyment of economic and social rights.<br />

Under Afghanistan Constitution and ratified International<br />

human rights laws which on paper guarantee<br />

access to the social and economic rights. However,<br />

the system of law enforcement and justice remains<br />

weak and inefficient. Few legal provisions are accompanied<br />

of administrative instructions or other<br />

means for implementation, limiting the effectiveness<br />

of rights protection, prevention of violations,<br />

and law enforcement in general.<br />

Furthermore, the main government registries for<br />

issuing IDs, birth and marriage certificates, and divorce<br />

registrations are dysfunctional. At best, the<br />

system reaches provincial centers, leaving out the<br />

majority of population concentrated in rural areas.<br />

Without a functional and efficient administrative<br />

system, the government of Afghanistan will continue<br />

to struggle in understanding the needs and protecting<br />

and promoting the rights of its population.<br />

Labor Rights<br />

Labor rights remained largely unprotected due to<br />

failure of the government to develop regulations and<br />

protection mechanisms to enforce the law. In particular,<br />

this refers to the workers employed in the<br />

informal economy, child labour, labour migrants,<br />

and women.<br />

At the time of writing this report, there were no<br />

legal provisions addressing irregular and casual labour,<br />

including the lack of mechanisms to estimate<br />

numbers or to understand the needs and protect the<br />

rights of workers employed in the informal economy<br />

and relying on a daily-wage labour.<br />

Casual workers have no access to skills upgrading<br />

or avenues for collective bargaining to improve their<br />

quality of life. Child labour is prevalent; nearly a<br />

quarter of children in Kabul work despite the legal<br />

ban on any full-time labour under 18 years of age.<br />

The conditions of work are hazardous: long hours in<br />

unhealthy environments with unsafe equipment. The<br />

situation of casual workers and children make them<br />

vulnerable to trafficking and forced labour.<br />

An anti-trafficking law is being developed and two<br />

units were formed to combat trafficking in persons;<br />

their work, however, is sporadic.<br />

Of particular concern is the deportation of irregular<br />

labor migrants from Iran during the winter of<br />

2007-2008. A portion of these deportees might have<br />

been trafficked or worked in forced labor situations.<br />

Afghan irregular labour migrants in Iran are unprotected<br />

and the government of Afghanistan failed to<br />

secure their rights to due process during deportation<br />

and to protection upon their arrival in Afghanistan.<br />

Rights and protection of women in both formal and<br />

informal employment need special attention.<br />

Currently, maternity leave is the only measure<br />

implemented to protect the rights of working<br />

women. There is a need to extend their protection,<br />

in particular, with regard to sexual abuse and harassment<br />

at the workplace. As of now, there are no<br />

existing mechanisms to protect women and offer<br />

safe avenues to report incidents. There are also no<br />

incentives to attract more women into the workforce<br />

such as the provision of childcare and job<br />

training as well as gender-sensitive workforce policies.<br />

The Constitution of Afghanistan offers an excellent<br />

basis for an equitable and just society. Law enforcement,<br />

however, needs to be strengthened. The<br />

government needs to implement labor codes, particularly<br />

in regards to daily-wage workers, health<br />

care, a safe work environment, and child labor.<br />

Social Security System<br />

The social security system in Afghanistan is focused<br />

only on the provision of pensions to persons with<br />

disabilities, former government employees, and<br />

families of martyrs, and services for children. Despite<br />

constitutional provisions for support to older<br />

persons, ill or women without caretakers, no protection<br />

mechanisms were developed and the implementation<br />

of the law remains sporadic.<br />

Extremely vulnerable households that are headed<br />

by females, children, older persons, IDPs, returnees,<br />

and those who have more than eight children have<br />

no additional protection even as they have less social<br />

tools to cope. At the time of writing this report,<br />

civil society organizations and international community<br />

were the sole providers of social services to<br />

these groups; service delivery relies entirely on international<br />

donors.<br />

Situation of Women<br />

Based on the Constitution and commitments of the<br />

government, women saw little improvement in exercising<br />

their right to protection in family life. In Afghanistan,<br />

this would include a right to marry consensually<br />

without coercion, freedom from underage<br />

marriage, the right to equality between men and<br />

women during marriage and its dissolution, and protection<br />

from domestic violence.<br />

Prevalence of child marriage is a particular concern<br />

since roughly 60 percent of females in Afghanistan<br />

marry before their 16 th birthday. Forced marriage<br />

is prevalent, and couples that decide to marry<br />

without parental consent are often prosecuted and<br />

persecuted by respective family members.<br />

Despite the fact that both underage and forced<br />

marriage are illegal and punishable by up to two<br />

years in prison, not one sentence has been issued<br />

under this article of the law. Violence against<br />

women is pandemic and remains largely unpunished<br />

even when it results in murder.<br />

The pressure of repayment of debt is a potential<br />

threat to women’s rights; a number of documented<br />

cases and anecdotal evidence show that women are<br />

sometimes compelled to marry to settle debts and<br />

re-pay credits. This has particular implications for<br />

micro credit schemes and for policy makers since<br />

currently there is neither tracking mechanism nor<br />

efficient bankruptcy laws to ensure that women are<br />

not adversely affected by the credit practices of<br />

their families. IDN | <strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> �<br />

<strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> | JANUARY <strong>2009</strong> 19


COVER STORY | TITELTHEMA<br />

No Clear End in Thailand’s Political Theatre<br />

Political stress<br />

But this was but the latest chapter in the long-running<br />

drama in this South-east Asian country, which in less than<br />

a year has seen anti-government protesters occupying<br />

state buildings and facilities in order to drive out sitting<br />

elected governments, authorities carrying out violent<br />

crowd dispersals, and courts handing down verdicts that<br />

effectively kicked out governments.<br />

The tensions have not been eased much by the Dec. 15<br />

selection of the British-born, Oxford-educated Abhisit as<br />

Thailand’s 27 th prime minister – and head of the third Thai<br />

government in just three months.<br />

In fact, many wonder how long the Democrat-led government<br />

can survive. Not least, the way Abhisit came to<br />

power – not after a general election but in the wake of<br />

anti-government protests and what many say is military<br />

backing – has raised legitimacy concerns.<br />

By end-December, the Abhisit government found itself<br />

facing the same kind of protests that the elected government<br />

it replaced did – thousands of angry protesters surrounding<br />

Parliament in order to prevent the new prime<br />

minister from making the policy address required before<br />

the government can operate.<br />

But while the style was similar, the shoe was now on the<br />

other foot. This time, the December protests were by the<br />

group supporting ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra<br />

and called the United Front for Democracy Against Dicta-<br />

By Johanna Son*<br />

One December evening, crowds broke out in laughter as they watched pantomime actors<br />

mimic oh-so-familiar politicians who were foes one minute and instant friends the next --<br />

after an exchange of money -- and then posed for the cameras with wide, fake smiles.<br />

But what the actors parodied at the Bangkok Theatre Festival, held just after a new government<br />

emerged from the rubble of the latest round of political instability in Thailand, was<br />

what many believe happened in real life.<br />

After all, they have been watching political theatre unfold on the national stage through<br />

2008.<br />

Toward yearend, politicians of different parties and stripes, many of whom would not be<br />

seen talking to each other lest shaking each other’s hands, were crossing loyalties as the<br />

Democrat Party jockeyed to produce the numbers to get its candidate – now Prime Minister<br />

Abhisit Vejjajiva – elected in Parliament.<br />

One party official was quoted by ‘The Nation’ newspaper as saying that cash rewards and<br />

Cabinet posts were “offered to those who could retrieve defecting MPs”.<br />

torship (UDD), which wants the House dissolved and new<br />

elections called to replace the Abhisit government. “This<br />

government lacks legitimacy and is unconstitutional,” UDD<br />

leader Suporn Atthawong was quoted as saying.<br />

In October, it was the UDD’s foes – the anti-Thaksin<br />

People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) – that tried to prevent<br />

Abhisit’s predecessor, then Prime Minister Somchai<br />

Wongsawat, from entering and addressing Parliament.<br />

Abhisit had to postpone the Dec. 29 Parliament address<br />

to the next day, and held the session at the Foreign Ministry<br />

instead, pledging to “restore normalcy” to a country<br />

tired of political stress.<br />

“Something like this is not really a surprise,” sighed<br />

Bangkok resident Lek. “PAD was able to do these things<br />

before, so what did we really expect the other side to do,<br />

given the past? Is it fine for one group to do, but not the<br />

other? I don’t know what happens next.”<br />

The December events reflect how the deep social and<br />

political conflicts that led to the ouster of the two<br />

elected, pro-Thaksin governments this year – continue to<br />

simmer.<br />

Right after Abhisit got voted prime minister in December,<br />

angry UDD supporters rammed concrete blocks into<br />

the car windshields of parliamentarians who had switched<br />

sides to Abhisit. Others lobbed locked grenades onto the<br />

lawns of defector MPs.<br />

Class conflict?<br />

At the core of the political drama in Thailand are questions around respect for the value of electoral votes, how political legitimacy<br />

is earned and lost, how a national mandate is reversed or changed, and how political conflict is resolved.<br />

These arise against a backdrop where the poorer majority in Thailand has realised that it has the numbers to vote into power<br />

its leaders – such as Thaksin and the two allies that succeeded him as prime minister – but faces an elite used to seeing one of<br />

their familiar own on top, and has the resources to try to effect political change.<br />

These tensions are a “complex form of class warfare” between the middle class and a populist government or group backed by<br />

rural and urban poor, says political analyst Walden Bello of the Bangkok-based non-government group Focus on the Global South.<br />

Despite the seeming respite brought in by Abhisit’s emergence, the political awareness and anger of the rural poor -- who<br />

have seen their votes reversed twice in this year’s changes in government-- has far from waned.<br />

It is very hard to legitimise getting power by saying that majority rule -- as played out in elections that are a fulcrum of a<br />

democratic system -- apply only if the result is palatable to certain sections of society, analysts say. “My sense is that the<br />

recent events have started the country on a slippery downward slope where elections will begin to matter less than street mobilisations<br />

as a way to resolve the question of power,” Bello said an interview. “Think 1928 to 1933 in Germany,” he added.<br />

While Thaksin has a blemished human rights record given his assaults on press freedom and his war on drugs where more than<br />

3,000 people were killed, Pokpong Lawansiri of the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) pointed out<br />

that the bigger issue is one of respect for democratic processes, regardless of the personalities involved. “If the majority of the<br />

population voted for the said party or candidates, we should respect the voice of the majority,” Pokpong said.<br />

*Johanna Son, a journalist for more than 20 years, is director of IPS Asia-Pacific (www.ipsnewsasia.net) and has covered<br />

foreign policy and political affairs in the region. She is based in Bangkok. [Pictures on page 21 are by Johanna Son.]<br />

20 <strong>KOMMUNIKATION</strong> <strong>GLOBAL</strong> | JANUAR <strong>2009</strong>


COVER STORY | TITELTHEMA<br />

". . . what the actors parodied at the Bangkok Theatre Festival, held just<br />

after a new government emerged from the rubble of the latest round of<br />

political instability in Thailand, was what many believe happened in real<br />

life. After all, they have been watching political theatre unfold on the<br />

national stage through 2008."<br />

Likewise, rearranging the political landscape – through<br />

public protests by PAD, court decisions, and military involvement<br />

that local media say was key to the Democrat<br />

Party’s getting enough defections to seal the prime ministership<br />

– does not address the rural poor’s sentiments of being<br />

left out by elites in power and its belief that it benefited<br />

from Thaksin’s populist policies. (These policies included a<br />

universal health scheme and village loans, which PAD leaders<br />

say Thaksin – and his allies, successor and now ousted prime<br />

ministers Samak Sundaravej and Somchai Wongsawat, had<br />

used to duped rural voters into supporting them.)<br />

“I doubt if the Democrats will be able to stabilise the<br />

country. All sorts of elite arrangements were tried in Argentina<br />

after the popular (Juan) Peron was ousted, but none<br />

achieved any stability owing to their attempt to exclude the<br />

Peronists from power,” explained Bello. “You now have a<br />

massive Thaksin base in Thailand with the same social weight<br />

and depth as the Peronist movement in Argentina.”<br />

Populist pulse<br />

The PAD, led by Bangkok-based conservative elites, has been<br />

wanting Thaksin and any tinge of his influence out of the<br />

national government for years now. It played a key role in<br />

protests that forced Thaksin – now in exile after being convicted<br />

on corruption - out of office in 2006 due to a military<br />

coup.<br />

Yellow vs red<br />

Because Samak’s People’s Power Party – the successor to<br />

Thaksin’s dissolved Thai Rai Thai (Thais Love Thais) party –<br />

still had the numbers in Parliament, it then chose a new<br />

prime minister, Thaksin brother-in-law Somchai Wongsawat.<br />

The PAD rejected him, and protests continued.<br />

For their part, red-clad pro-government supporters staged<br />

their own rallies and called on the military to stay away from<br />

a coup. Thailand has had 18 coups since becoming a constitutional<br />

monarchy in 1935.<br />

The PAD’s anti-government protests peaked in late November,<br />

when thousands of yellow-shirted protesters surrounded<br />

the domestic and international airports in Bangkok, leading<br />

to their closure for a week.<br />

This raised the stakes in what had largely been a domestic,<br />

if convoluted, affair. More than 350,000 tourists were<br />

Since the 20<strong>01</strong> general election, the voters’ choice has<br />

been for Thaksin and/or his political allies, whose bailiwicks<br />

are the poorer rural regions of Thailand, especially the north<br />

and the north-east.<br />

Thaksin finished a full first term – far from an easy feat in<br />

a country where revolving-door governments marked much<br />

of the nineties. His second term, marked by massive protests,<br />

was cut short by the September 2006 coup.<br />

In retrospect, PAD and its allies found unacceptable the<br />

rise of a political figure like Thaksin, who had shrewdly<br />

wooed rural voters. Because polls delivered a corrupt leader<br />

like Thaksin, PAD called for ‘new politics’ where there are<br />

less elected members of Parliament and perhaps an appointed<br />

Prime Minister as well.<br />

So in May this year, yellow-clad PAD groups stepped up<br />

their public action against the government of Samak, which<br />

won in the December 2007 polls. Those polls were the first<br />

held since the 2006 coup against Thaksin – and voters sent<br />

back to Parliament the politicians sympathetic to him.<br />

PAD occupied a bridge and then later, Government House<br />

(the Prime Minister’s seat of power) and said it would not<br />

budge till Samak left. Samak refused but had to leave office<br />

after the Constitutional Court ruled in September that he<br />

had violated a bar on earning extra income when he hosted<br />

TV cooking shows.<br />

stranded during the tourist peak season. The cost of the<br />

airport closure was estimated at 22 billion dollars.<br />

As fears rose of open clashes between the PAD yellowshirts<br />

and the pro-government redshirts, the Constitutional Court<br />

once again stepped in. In early December, it ruled on an<br />

electoral offence case and ordered dissolved the ruling People’s<br />

Power Party and two other coalition partners.<br />

This led to the exit of Somchai’s government – and paved<br />

the way for shifting the political balance in Parliament to<br />

make way for a government that was not led by pro-Thaksin<br />

forces. Local media reported on how military leaders – which<br />

at one point had gone on television to advice Somchai to step<br />

down to ease the crisis – met politicians from different parties<br />

to try to have an ‘acceptable’ government emerge from<br />

Parliament. In mid-December, the Democrats announced it<br />

had the votes to form the next government.<br />

What next?<br />

As news comes in about political woes helping push projections of Thai economic growth down to .06 percent in <strong>2009</strong> – the lowest<br />

since the 1997 economic crisis -- many would be happy to just have some stability. “When will this end?” a frustrated employee<br />

said upon reading of the redshirts’ blocking of Parliament in December.<br />

Looking back at the political scene this year, a Thai employee in her thirties fears more of the same upheavals ahead. “If<br />

people think that the (past) government was bad, there should be other ways, democratic ways, to solve the problems, since<br />

the leaders of the anti-government protesters claim to be middle-class elite and some even graduated from Western countries<br />

where democracy is supposed to exist. Therefore, laws should be respected. But what I saw was that the two groups of protesters<br />

(red and yellow) ignoring the laws if these did not suit their goals.”<br />

For now, it’s wisest to stay away from wearing yellow or red, given the risks of being put on either side of the political fence,<br />

said one teacher here. “I’m not wearing any of those colours for some time,” he quipped. <strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> �<br />

<strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> | JANUARY <strong>2009</strong> 21


COVER STORY | TITELTHEMA<br />

Uganda on the Global Market Track to Prosperity<br />

Uganda's finance ministry has ambitious plans to reduce the<br />

country’s donor dependence. With foreign funds accounting<br />

for almost 50 percent of the national budget, officials believe<br />

a slew of measures announced in the 2008/09 budget could<br />

bring that down to about 30 percent.<br />

An enthusiastic Minister for Finance, Planning and Development,<br />

Dr Ezra Suruma, who calls his "a prosperity for all<br />

budget", predicts Uganda will be able to fund itself domestically<br />

"sooner than later".<br />

Hopes are pinned on booming agricultural exports of<br />

tea, coffee, cotton, fruits, honey, rice, potatoes, dairy products,<br />

vegetable oil, poultry and fish. The government is investing<br />

billions in greater commercialisation of agriculture,<br />

improved seeds, building warehouses, upgrading the marketing<br />

infrastructure and the Commodity Exchange.<br />

Tea exports touched 44,<strong>01</strong>5 tonnes of tea last year. This is<br />

expected to increase to 46,000 tonnes, according to Isaac<br />

Munabi, executive secretary of the Uganda Tea Association. In<br />

2007, earnings from tea exports were 47.6 million dollars as<br />

per official records. With some 21,000 hectares of tea gardens,<br />

average yields in Uganda are about 2,500 kgs per hectare,<br />

according to the association. Last year, coffee exports<br />

too fetched an impressive 21 million dollars, the coffee development<br />

board says.<br />

The resource envelope for the current 2008/09 financial<br />

year is based on the assumption that a projected real growth<br />

rate of 8.1 percent will be achieved and that low and stable<br />

inflation will be maintained.<br />

Roughly three million dollars will come from domestic revenues<br />

comprising tax revenues of another three million dollars,<br />

non-tax revenues of over 70 million dollars and loan repayments<br />

from government parastatals,15 million dollars.<br />

Financing from the domestic banking system amounts to 160<br />

million dollars. The difference of some 100 million dollars is<br />

support from external sources.<br />

For the country’s landless and subsistence farmers (70 percent<br />

of farm labour is women) the government has set up a<br />

land acquisition loan facility -- a revolving fund of roughly 3<br />

million dollars. The facility is to be disbursed through Post<br />

Bank and participating small farmers grouped in cooperative<br />

societies or SACCOs.<br />

Rose Nakito (40) is a resident of Mayuge district, in eastern<br />

Uganda. She and her husband Bosco Baligeya are farmers like<br />

their aging parents. Nakito tends coffee on a small plantation<br />

owned by her husband, to supplement the meagre salary he<br />

draws as a teacher at the nearby Wandegeya primary school.<br />

Nakito also works on a separate garden growing food crops<br />

such as maize, beans and potatoes to feed the family of seven<br />

and sells anything left over.<br />

By Joshua Kyalimpa*<br />

There is rarely any surplus to earn her cash and she largely<br />

depends on her teacher husband for some money from the<br />

sale of coffee sales or his salary.<br />

Uganda’s secretary to the treasury Keith Muhakanizi told IPS<br />

that Nakito will be able to draw money from the revolving<br />

fund. An agreement has already been signed with Post Bank to<br />

ensure timely and efficient disbursement of the facility.<br />

But independent analysts warn the budget may not be able<br />

to deliver on promises.<br />

Social scientist Dr Aaron Mukwaya of Makerere University<br />

says most of the plans may never be implemented since a<br />

significant portion of the funds are projected to come from<br />

donors who may renege on their promises due to the global<br />

financial crisis.<br />

According to Mukwaya, the areas that Uganda’s national<br />

budget seeks to address are popular with donors but are not<br />

necessarily likely to lead the nation to prosperity. "Our budget<br />

is almost 50 percent donor funded and when we look at the<br />

current economic situation globally, donors cannot provide the<br />

money. Yet the budget is emphasising public sector spending<br />

and the private sector seems to have been ignored."<br />

The Uganda government has put aside about 60 million dollars<br />

for the National Agricultural Advisory Services -- to supply<br />

improved varieties of seeds and inputs to farmers linked to the<br />

production of specific commodities including coffee, tea,<br />

cotton, fish and fruits. But Uganda has no control over world<br />

markets, argues Mukwaya. In addition, the budget’s emphasis<br />

on technologically improved inputs are linked to the production<br />

of cash crops, which are largely the preserve of men.<br />

The government intends to draw more farmers into commercial<br />

agriculture by improving marketing infrastructure,<br />

refurbishing 173 commodity stores, constructing warehouses<br />

and extending support to the operations of the Uganda Commodity<br />

Exchange (UCE).<br />

But Dr Lawrence Bategeka, a research fellow at the Kampala-based<br />

economic policy research centre, says most of the<br />

farmers in Uganda work small land holdings and the national<br />

budget seems to be ignoring them. He says the emphasis of<br />

the budget should be on how to empower subsistence farmers.<br />

"I was moving around upcountry and met a farmer who had<br />

100 goats on a one-acre farm and could earn from the farm<br />

about 10 million shillings per year. That kind of small farmer<br />

could up his earnings if helped by the government," Bategeka<br />

says Finance Minister Suruma insists various stakeholders were<br />

consulted during the budget process but argues that while the<br />

2008/<strong>2009</strong> Budget may not have answered all the issues, it<br />

lays the foundation for progress.<br />

But then can his budget bring "prosperity for all"? The jury is<br />

still out on this. IPS | <strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> �<br />

22 <strong>KOMMUNIKATION</strong> <strong>GLOBAL</strong> | JANUAR <strong>2009</strong>


COVER STORY | TITELTHEMA<br />

Äthiopien sucht ausländische Käufer für Agrarland<br />

Von Michael Chebsi in Addis Abeba<br />

In Äthiopien stehen Millionen Kleinbauern Jahr für Jahr vor dem Problem, sich und ihre Familien durchzubringen. Denn sie, die<br />

ihre Felder noch weitgehend auf herkömmliche Art bestellen, sind Wetterkapriolen schutzlos ausgeliefert und somit auch ständig<br />

vom Hunger bedroht. Um die Ernährung der Bevölkerung zu sichern, will die Regierung jetzt im großen Stil Agrarland an ausländische<br />

Investoren verkaufen.<br />

Tola Melka, Kleinbauer aus dem ländlichen Zentraläthiopien, hatte sich eine Rekordernte erhofft. Doch Ende Oktober zerstörten<br />

unerwartete Regenfälle sein Getreidefeld. "Ich frage mich, wie ich meine Kinder satt bekommen soll", sagt Melka. Schon<br />

2007 mussten er und seine Frau Shashe Dima hungern. Damals hatte es zuwenig geregnet. "Die Natur scheint sich gegen uns<br />

verbündet zu haben", sagt Dima.<br />

Die Familie ist nur eine von vielen, deren winzige Ernten auch in diesem Jahr nicht für den Eigenbedarf reichen. Offiziell sind<br />

6,4 Millionen Menschen in dem nordostafrikanischen Land vom Hunger bedroht. Den Behörden bereitet die Situation zunehmend<br />

Kopfzerbrechen, obwohl sie der Landwirtschaft höchste Priorität einräumen.<br />

Äthiopisches Hochland | Wikimedia Commons<br />

Agrarrevolution<br />

Seit 1992 versucht Äthiopien die<br />

Wirtschaft des Landes über eine Agrarrevolution<br />

anzukurbeln. Vorrangig<br />

geht es darum, neun Millionen Kleinbauern<br />

dabei zu helfen, ihre Ernten<br />

zu steigern. Doch das ambitionierte<br />

Ziel, die Agrarproduktion in den ersten<br />

neun Monaten des Haushaltsjahrs<br />

2007/2008 auf rund 28 Tonnen Getreide<br />

zu steigern, wurde nicht erreicht.<br />

Das Output belief sich auf nur<br />

16,4 Millionen Tonnen, wie aus einem<br />

Bericht des Landwirtschaftsministeriums<br />

hervorgeht.<br />

Die Regierung setzt ihre Hoffnung<br />

nun auf das Ausland. So hat Regierungschef<br />

Meles Zenawi Saudi-Arabien<br />

hunderttausende Hektar Land für den<br />

Getreideanbau zugesagt. Dschibuti<br />

hat bereits 5.000 Hektar erhalten.<br />

Zudem läuft die Suche nach weiteren<br />

geeigneten Agrarflächen für ausländische<br />

Investoren auf Hochtouren. Für<br />

diese Zwecke wurden in den Regionen<br />

Oromia und Amhara, in denen ein<br />

Großteil des Getreides produziert<br />

wird, bisher rund zwei Millionen Hektar<br />

ausgemacht.<br />

Saudi Arabien und China kaufen auf<br />

Kritiker warnen indes vor den Risiken der neuen Strategie. Sie befürchten, dass die von ausländischen Unternehmen produzierten<br />

Nahrungsmittel am Ende doch exportiert werden, weil die äthiopischen Verbraucher mit den internationalen Preisen nicht<br />

mithalten können.<br />

Saudi-Arabien zählt bereits zu den drei wichtigsten Handelspartnern Äthiopiens. Nach Regierungsangaben beläuft sich das<br />

Handelsvolumen beider Staaten auf eine Milliarde US-Dollar. Rund 240 saudische Firmen wurden bereits mit Lizenzen ausgestattet.<br />

Den Schätzungen zufolge werden sie insgesamt 2,5 Milliarden Dollar investieren.<br />

Berichten zufolge kaufen Saudi-Arabien und China überall auf der Welt Ackerland auf. Doch auch andere Staaten, die ihre Bevölkerung<br />

nicht selbst ernähren können, machen bei dem Geschäft mit. Dazu zählen Ägypten, Dschibuti, Libyen, Indien, Japan,<br />

Malaysia, Südkorea, Bahrain, Jordanien, Kuwait, Katar und die Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate.<br />

Diese Nationen nehmen jedoch nicht nur Äthiopien, sondern auch zahlreiche andere Länder ins Visier, wie Wolday Amaha vom<br />

unabhängigen äthiopischen Wirtschaftsverband erläutert. Der Regierung in Addis Abeba empfiehlt der Experte, sicherzustellen,<br />

dass durch die Präsenz der ausländischen Investoren dem nordostafrikanischen Land keine Verluste entstehen.<br />

Regierungsvertreter argumentieren, dass die Investoren zudem neue Technologien ins Land bringen. Einheimische Bauern<br />

könnten von den High-Tech-Unternehmen lernen. "Bisher verstehen sich äthiopische Bauern nur auf traditionelle Landwirtschaft",<br />

sagt Ken Ohashi, Landesdirektor der Weltbank. "Fast überall ziehen noch Ochsen die Pflüge und Aussaat und Ernte erfolgt<br />

in Handarbeit."<br />

Bauern wie Melka hoffen, dass die Ankunft der Fremden für sie alternative Arbeitsmöglichkeiten erschließt. "Es ist riskant, nur<br />

von seiner eigenen Farm abhängig zu sein", sagt er. "Man braucht noch weitere Einkommensmöglichkeiten."<br />

Fest steht, dass Äthiopiens Agrarsektor, der immer noch knapp 45 Prozent des Bruttonationaleinkommens erwirtschaftet, im<br />

Wandel begriffen ist. Die Regierung ist zuversichtlich, dass sie ihr Ziel, bis 2<strong>01</strong>0 knapp fünf Millionen Hektar mehr an kultivierbarem<br />

Land zu schaffen, mit Hilfe der ausländischen Investitionen erreichen wird. IPS | <strong>KOMMUNIKATION</strong> <strong>GLOBAL</strong> �<br />

<strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> | JANUARY <strong>2009</strong> 23


COUNTDOWN TO COPENHAGEN<br />

United Nations climate change conference<br />

ended on a bitter note in the early hours of<br />

Dec. 13 in the western Polish city of Poznan.<br />

The developing and emerging economies<br />

accused the industrialised nations of "callousness"<br />

and a "vision gap" that were reflected<br />

in their rejection of a key deal that<br />

would enable the poor states to cope with<br />

global warming.<br />

The deal at issue is a special fund established<br />

to finance concrete projects and programmes<br />

aimed at adapting to climate<br />

change in developing countries.<br />

The Fund is to be fed essentially with a<br />

share of proceeds from clean development<br />

mechanism (CDM) project activities. The<br />

share of proceeds amounts to 2 percent of<br />

certified emission reductions (CERs) issued<br />

for a CDM project activity.<br />

The CDM allows an industrial country<br />

committed to reduce or limit emissions under<br />

the Kyoto Protocol to implement one or<br />

more projects in a developing country that<br />

would help reduce its emissions.<br />

Such projects can earn saleable CER credits,<br />

each equivalent to one tonne of CO2,<br />

which can be counted towards meeting an<br />

industrial country's Kyoto targets.<br />

The mechanism is seen by many as a trailblazer.<br />

CER is the first environmental investment<br />

and credit scheme of its kind,<br />

providing a standardised emissions offset<br />

instrument.<br />

A CDM project activity might involve a rural<br />

electrification project using solar panels<br />

or the installation of more energy-efficient<br />

boilers.<br />

The mechanism thus stimulates sustainable<br />

development and emission reductions, while<br />

giving industrialised countries some flexibility<br />

in how they meet their emission reduction<br />

or limitation targets.<br />

When the special financing facility called<br />

the Adaptation Fund aimed at helping developing<br />

countries take to adaptation measures<br />

came up for discussion at the Poznan conference<br />

on Dec. 11, delegates of several countries<br />

representing diverse groupings at the<br />

UN argued that the special levy of 2 percent<br />

on CERs should be increased to 3 percent.<br />

This would provide additional money for<br />

the current 60 million dollar fund that helps<br />

poor countries protect themselves against<br />

floods, drought and storms. While the industrial<br />

nations admitted that billions of dollars<br />

are needed for the challenging task, they did<br />

not agree to increase from two to three the<br />

percentage of levy from the carbon market.<br />

This brought the talks to an inevitable collapse.<br />

A source present at the meeting said<br />

the opponents of the scheme were led by<br />

Poznan Produces a 'Vision Gap'<br />

By Ramesh Jaura<br />

Maciej Nowicki<br />

the European Union, Japan, Canada, Australia<br />

and Russia.<br />

The collapse became evident about three<br />

hours into the start of the final plenary session<br />

of the UN conference.<br />

Before that, Poland's environment minister<br />

Maciej Nowicki, president of the Poznan<br />

conference of parties (COP), as such gatherings<br />

are called in UN jargon, had announced<br />

that an Adaptation Fund that would provide<br />

money to least developed countries (LDC) to<br />

cope with climate change effects had become<br />

operational at the Poznan summit.<br />

"It was India which brought the collapse<br />

out into the open, through Prodipto Ghosh,<br />

member of the Prime Minister's Council on<br />

Climate Change," said Joydeep Gupta, an<br />

Indian journalist covering the Poznan meeting.<br />

Ghosh is reported to have said at the<br />

meeting: "In the 12 COPs I have been privileged<br />

to attend so far, this is one of the<br />

saddest moments I have witnessed."<br />

Ghosh said the Article 9 review, which was<br />

looking at the increase of the levy from two<br />

to three percent, "fell apart for one, and one<br />

reason only; that is the refusal of some parties<br />

(countries) to experience the least loss<br />

of profits from trading in carbon.<br />

"Let us look at why this refusal is tragic<br />

and painful," Ghosh told those of the over<br />

3,000 delegates from 186 countries who<br />

were still left in the final plenary session.<br />

"Even now, millions of poor people in developing<br />

countries are losing their homes,<br />

their livelihoods, and their lives from impacts<br />

of climate change. Most live in extreme<br />

privation at the best of times; climate<br />

change takes away their pitiable homes,<br />

hearths and bread."<br />

In responding to this situation, Ghosh said:<br />

"What did we hear from the parties who<br />

could not bear to be parted from a small<br />

share of their carbon profits? That we need<br />

to agree on the overall architecture before<br />

they can provide any money.<br />

"In the face of the unbearable human<br />

tragedy that we in developing countries see<br />

unfolding every day, we see callousness,<br />

strategising and obfuscation. We can all of<br />

us, now see clearly what lies ahead at Copenhagen."<br />

"We're going to have to put much more energy<br />

into bridging the growing gap between<br />

the two sides," the Ghanaian delegation told<br />

the meeting. "It's the vision gap and that is<br />

not a good sign for the future."<br />

The two-week long discussions in Poznan also<br />

brought little progress on the most contentious<br />

issues -- notably, cuts in emissions<br />

blamed for global warming.<br />

"What did we hear from the parties who could not bear to be parted from a small share of their<br />

carbon profits?<br />

24 <strong>KOMMUNIKATION</strong> <strong>GLOBAL</strong> | JANUAR <strong>2009</strong>


COUNTDOWN TO COPENHAGEN<br />

"Governments have sent a strong political signal that despite the financial and economic<br />

crisis, significant funds can be mobilised for both mitigation and adaptation in<br />

developing countries with the help of a clever financial architecture and the institutions<br />

to deliver the financial support." – UNFCCC Executive Secretary Yvo de Boer.<br />

But sources at the secretariat of the UN framework<br />

convention on climate change (UNFCCC) said the Poznan<br />

gathering – 14th in the series of COPs since the global<br />

treaty entered into force in March 1994 -- was "a milestone<br />

on the road to success for the processes which<br />

were launched under the Bali road map" in December<br />

2007.<br />

The meeting came midway between COP 13 in Bali,<br />

which saw the launch of negotiations on strengthened<br />

international action on climate change, and COP 15 next<br />

year in Copenhagen, the Danish capital, at which the<br />

negotiations are set to conclude.<br />

Over 11,000 participants attended the Poznan conference,<br />

which "both advanced international cooperation on<br />

a future climate change regime and ensured progress on<br />

key issues," a source at the UNFCCC secretariat said.<br />

While playing down the significance of the North-South<br />

showdown between the industrialised and developing or<br />

emerging countries, conference president Nowicki said<br />

the conference had concluded with "a clear commitment<br />

from governments to shift into full negotiating mode<br />

next year in order to shape an ambitious and effective<br />

international response to climate change, to be agreed<br />

in Copenhagen at the end of <strong>2009</strong>."<br />

Progress was made in the area of technology with the<br />

endorsement of the Global Environment Facility's Poznan<br />

Strategic Programme on Technology Transfer. The aim of<br />

this programme is to scale up the level of investment by<br />

levering private investments that developing countries<br />

require both for mitigation and adaptation technologies,<br />

he said.<br />

"We will now move to the next level of negotiations,<br />

which involves crafting a concrete negotiating text for<br />

the agreed outcome," said Nowicki. Parties agreed that a<br />

first draft of the text would be available at a UNFCCC<br />

Poznań International Fair Ltd.<br />

gathering in Bonn in June <strong>2009</strong>.<br />

"In addition to having agreed the work programme for<br />

next year, we have cleared the decks of many technical issues," Nowicki said. "Poznan is the place where the partnership<br />

between the developing and developed world to fight climate change has shifted beyond rhetoric and turned into real action,"<br />

he said.<br />

The success of the conference was also stressed by the UNFCCC secretariat. It said a key event at the conference was a<br />

ministerial round table on a shared vision for long-term cooperative action on climate change.<br />

"Governments have sent a strong political signal that despite the financial and economic crisis, significant funds can be<br />

mobilised for both mitigation and adaptation in developing countries with the help of a clever financial architecture and the<br />

institutions to deliver the financial support," said Yvo de Boer, UNFCCC executive secretary in a statement.<br />

We now have a much clearer sense of where we need to go in designing an outcome which will spell out the commitments of<br />

developed countries, the financial support required and the institutions that will deliver that support as part of the Copenhagen<br />

outcome," he added. IPS | <strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> �<br />

The United Nations Climate Change Conference in Poznań on 13 December with a clear commitment from<br />

governments to shift into full negotiating mode next year in order to shape an ambitious and effective international<br />

response to climate change, to be agreed in Copenhagen at the end of <strong>2009</strong>. Parties agreed that the<br />

first draft of a concrete negotiating text would be available at a UNFCCC gathering in Bonn in June of <strong>2009</strong>.<br />

At Poznań, the finishing touches were put to the Kyoto Protocol’s Adaptation Fund, with Parties agreeing<br />

that the Fund would be a legal entity granting direct access to developing countries. Progress was also made<br />

on a number of important ongoing issues that are particularly important for developing countries, including:<br />

adaptation; finance; technology; reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (REDD); and<br />

disaster management. – UNFCCC Secretariat<br />

<strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> | JANUARY <strong>2009</strong> 25


COUNTDOWN TO COPENHAGEN<br />

FairClimate Ambassadors' Poznan Diary<br />

By Anne Marie Kortleve and Suzanne Maas<br />

Anne Marie Kortleve and Suzanne Maas attended the UNFCCC climate conference in Poznan. Together with five other students<br />

they form the FairClimate ambassadors of Dutch development organisation. This diary was made available to the this magazine<br />

for international cooperation by the Utrecht-based ICCO. The two ambassadors introduce themselves.<br />

I am 26 years old, recently graduated from Wageningen University in Applied Communication Sciences. Nowadays I work for the<br />

Province of South Holland as secretary of several State Committees.<br />

In my spare time I am a FairClimate Ambassador, striving for a more fair and equitable climate for all. While visiting countries<br />

like Brazil and Ethiopia, I realised that developing countries are facing tremendous problems like droughts, famine and floods. I<br />

can not sit back and wait until something might happen, it is time to act!<br />

Anne Marie Kortleve Suzanne Maas<br />

I am 26 years old, recently graduated from Wageningen University<br />

in Applied Communication Sciences. Nowadays I work for<br />

the Province of South Holland as secretary of several State<br />

Committees.<br />

In my spare time I am a FairClimate Ambassador, striving for a<br />

more fair and equitable climate for all. While visiting countries<br />

like Brazil and Ethiopia, I realised that developing countries are<br />

facing tremendous problems like droughts, famine and floods. I<br />

can not sit back and wait until something might happen, it is<br />

time to act!<br />

I am a 22 year old student in environmental studies at<br />

Utrecht University in the Netherlands. I wish for a world<br />

without poverty, injustice, animal abuse and environmental<br />

destruction. In order to help achieve this goal I have been<br />

active in youth, animal rights and environmental movements<br />

and am currently advocating for a fair climate as a youth<br />

ambassador. I believe we have the power to change this<br />

world to make it more inclusive and sustainable and I am<br />

very happy to contribute to making this world a better place<br />

for all.<br />

Day 1, December 6: Climate action!<br />

On our first day in Poznan we hit the street. There is a big demonstration by NGOs and youth from all over the world to convince<br />

our political leaders that we need climate action and justice now! The streets are filled with polar bears, banners, ticking clocks<br />

and lots of demanding voices. The relevance of such a demonstration is clearly explained by one of the participants: “if there is<br />

a lot of pressure from the street, the political leaders will have to listen!”<br />

Day 2, December 7: You gotta have faith<br />

Sunday: not a day of rest at the climate conference, but surely a day of contemplation. We attend a meeting of the Climate<br />

Action Network and discuss the first week of the negotiations with NGO representatives. In their opinion it has mainly been a<br />

disappointment and they strongly express their hopes for developed countries to take a leading role in the following week of the<br />

climate negotiations, in order to secure that progress will be made at this Conference of the Parties (COP). Later that day we<br />

visit the climate church. Reverend Abramides preaches that we have to care for our environment. According to him, “if you take<br />

no action, knowing and considering the changes in our climate, it is a sin”. When asking people attending the service on how to<br />

address climate change, their solution is to have faith and act!<br />

Day 3, December 8: Like David and Goliath<br />

Today we spoke to Tosi, a member of the Congolese delegation. Congo is one of the least developed countries in the world and<br />

therefore vulnerable for disasters like droughts and famine. At the same time, this country is rich in minerals and tropical forest,<br />

crucial for the capture of CO2. . . . A fair international climate treaty is essential for countries like Congo. But with only<br />

two delegates in the conference, they are fighting a battle like David against Goliath.<br />

26 <strong>KOMMUNIKATION</strong> <strong>GLOBAL</strong> | JANUAR <strong>2009</strong>


COUNTDOWN TO COPENHAGEN<br />

Tosi often has to work from nine in the morning till 2 o’clock in the night. He can not attend all the meetings that are scheduled.<br />

Industrialized countries have over 20 delegates present at the conference and have the advantage of dividing the work and<br />

knowledge. Congo can not…<br />

Less represented as these developing countries are, they are fighting for proposals on combating and adapting to climate<br />

change, but unfortunately these are completely ignored by the developed countries. Let’s hope that during the week the negotiations<br />

will lead to something more constructive.<br />

Day 4, December 9: Politics in Warsaw<br />

At the same time the climate conference in Poznan is taking place, the European Union is gathered in Brussels to negotiate on<br />

their climate and energy package for the coming years. The results of this meeting will influence the outcomes of the UN conference<br />

on climate change to a big extent. If the EU will not come forward as a leader in the climate negotiations because they<br />

have not resolved their internal disputes, it will be unlikely that ambitious plans will be made in Poznan. That’s why today we<br />

leave Poznan and take the train to Warsaw, where prime ministers Merkel (Germany) and Tusk (Poland) – who are blocking the<br />

negotiations on the climate and energy package – are meeting to discuss climate change We join a demonstration in front of the<br />

presidential building to show that we find it very important that agreement on climate action is reached in Brussels and Poznan.<br />

Ben Wikler, who organized the demonstration, explains: “the negotiations in the EU affect the negotiations at the UN, and the<br />

negotiations at the UN determine humanity’s response to climate change. The decisions they make today affect the entire<br />

world”. He believes the world leaders have an opportunity to get the world cheering, by investing in clean solutions and the<br />

creation of green jobs. If they don’t do it, they are destroying their international reputation for years to come.<br />

ICCO'S FairClimate Ambassadors<br />

Day 5, December 10: Meeting our minister<br />

Jacqueline Cramer, the Dutch minister of the environment is also present in Poznan. Today we had the chance to meet her at<br />

the exhibition hall of the conference. Together we get a tour of innovative projects and energy solutions for the future. We<br />

even go for a dance with her to generate energy in the sustainable dance booth of Dutch danceclub Watt. We also interview her<br />

about statements and expectations of the conference. She says her main points are “to convince industrialized countries to cut<br />

in their emissions, and to assist developing countries that already experience the effects of climate change – such as droughts,<br />

floods and sea level rise – by providing money and knowledge for adaptation”. When asking what advice she would give the<br />

world on climate change, she states “the financial crisis is no excuse to put the climate crisis in the fridge!” We are glad she<br />

takes this point of view and hope she is able to convince the other developed countries of the importance to act now.<br />

Day 6, December 11: High level statements?<br />

Today the environmental ministers of over 190 countries arrived in Poznan to make their statements at the high level segment<br />

of the conference. Although some of the speeches are truly inspirational – such as the one by the minister of the environment of<br />

Denmark, encouraging world leaders to get serious about the need for a fair and effective Kyoto Protocol follow-up in Copenhagen<br />

next year – most of them are predictable or even boring. When listening to them, we get the feeling these speeches are<br />

little more than empty statements and we sincerely hope they get some real work done, so that the conference in Poznań can<br />

be reviewed as a successful milestone on the road to Copenhagen.<br />

Day 7, December 12: Wrapping up<br />

The impasse between developed and developing countries remains. Developed countries stress that they do not want to commit<br />

themselves to high emission reductions unless the developing countries (including booming countries such as China and India)<br />

agree on reductions as well. On the other hand, developing countries maintain their viewpoint that the industrialized world<br />

should take leadership and make efforts, since they are the ones who are historically (and currently for the greatest part) responsible<br />

for climate change. The EU does not take up its position as leader, but – after quarrelling internally on the energy and<br />

climate package – comes forward with a weakened proposal. The main outcome of the climate conference in Poznan is that<br />

more meetings are necessary. We are hugely disappointed and can only hope for and try to influence a more successful outcome<br />

of the conference in Copenhagen next year. But, as an inhabitant of Tuvalu so strikingly put: “we may not be around then anymore…”<br />

<strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> �<br />

<strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> | JANUARY <strong>2009</strong> 27


COUNTDOWN TO COPENHAGEN<br />

Arktis in fünf Jahren in den Sommermonaten eisfrei<br />

Von Stephen Leahy in Quebec-Stadt<br />

Deutsche Bearbeitung: Karina Böckmann<br />

Das Worst Case Scenario des Weltklimarats, wonach die Arktis in spätestens 70 Jahren in den Sommermonaten kein Eis mehr mit<br />

sich führt, wird nach neusten Schätzungen bereits in den nächsten fünf bis zehn Jahren traurige Wirklichkeit werden. Spätestens<br />

ab 2<strong>01</strong>5, so warnen Experten, ist das Nordpolargebiet in der Sommerzeit eisfrei.<br />

Wie der Klimatologe David Barber an der Universität von Manitoba auf einer jüngsten Konferenz im kanadischen Quebec berichtete,<br />

gehen Entwicklungen in der Arktis besonders schnell vonstatten. Gerade für Klimaexperten ist sie mit ihren rasanten<br />

Temperatursprüngen besonders gut geeignet, um die Folgen des Klimawandels zu evaluieren.<br />

Barber hatte letzten Winter im Rahmen eines 40 Millionen US-Dollar teuren Forschungsprojektes im Arktischen Meer auf dem<br />

kanadischen Eisbrecherschiff 'Amundsen' zugebracht. Anders als erwartet blieb die Amundsen nicht im arktischen Winter, in dem<br />

die Sonne wegbleibt und die Temperaturen auf minus 50 Grad Celsius absinken, über mehrere Monate hinweg feststecken, sondern<br />

konnte sich aufgrund der dünnen Eisschicht frei bewegen.<br />

Barber führt diesen Umstand auf die Restwärme zurück, die im Sommer 2007 das Meer aufgeheizt hatte. Dadurch verzögerte<br />

sich auch die Bildung des winterlichen Packeises in einigen Teilen des Arktischen Meeres. Hinzu kamen Stürme, Winde und mehr<br />

Schnee.<br />

Wettlauf gegen die Sonne<br />

Für die Arktisregion seien das völlig neue Klimaphänomene. Zusätzlicher Schnee wirkt Wärme isolierend und verhindert die weitere<br />

Eisbildung. Entsteht im Winter weniger Eis, schmilzt die Eisdecke im Sommer schneller und flächendeckender, was wiederum<br />

der Sonne erlaubt, mehr Wasser zu erwärmen.<br />

Im Sommer 2007 büßte die polare Eiskappe 30 bis 40 Prozent ihres Volumens ein. Damit lag die Eismenge<br />

um 2,6 Millionen Quadratkilometer unter dem bisher niedrigsten Durchschnittswert. Da das verbliebene<br />

Eis nach Erkenntnissen der Wissenschafter dünner als sonst war, sind die Voraussetzungen,<br />

dass es <strong>2009</strong> zu einer weiteren Schmelze kommen wird, gegeben.<br />

"Sonnenlicht heißt Leben", sagte Kevin Arrigo, ein Meeresbiologe an der Stanford-Universität auf der<br />

Konferenz 'Arctic Change 2008', an der vom 9. bis 12. Dezember fast 1.000 Wissenschaftler und Indigenenvertreter<br />

teilnahmen. Zusammen mit Kollegen konnte er in arktischen Gewässern eine Zunahme von<br />

Phytoplankton um 300 Prozent nachweisen.<br />

Phytoplankton sind mikroskopisch kleine Pflanzen, die im Oberflächenwasser der Meere wachsen und<br />

mit Hilfe der Photosynthese aus Kohlendioxid (CO2) und Nährstoffen wie Phosphor, Stickstoff, Eisen und<br />

Silikon seine Körpersubstanz aufbauen. Eisen macht Phytoplanktion zu regelrechten CO2-Fessern. Arri-<br />

Kevin Arrigo<br />

Bild: ocean.stanford.edu<br />

www.arctic‐change2008.com<br />

go schätzt, dass durch ein Mehr an Phytoplankton mehr als 14 Gigatonnen zusätzliches CO2 aufgenommen<br />

werden kann.<br />

Wie aus einer Untersuchung von David Lawrence vom Nationalen Zentrum für atmosphärische Forschung<br />

in Boulder im US-Bundesstaat Colorado hervorgeht, wird der Trend, dass weite Teile Eis im Sommer schmelzen, in einer Entfernung<br />

von 1.500 Kilometer spürbar sein, Anhand von Computer-Modellen konnte gezeigt werden, dass der beschleunigte Verlust<br />

des Eises im Sommer die Temperaturen der Landoberfläche in der westlichen Arktis um das 3,5-Fache ansteigen lässt und dadurch<br />

eine Degradierung des Permafrostes verursacht. Gleichzeitig dringt die Wärme bis zu 1.500 Kilometer ins Inland vor.<br />

Hinter dem Begriff Permafrost verbergen sich Torfmoore, die weitere Teile Alaskas, Kanadas und Russlands bedecken und die ab<br />

einer gewissen Tiefe dauerhaft gefroren sind. Sie speichern mehr als das Doppelte der derzeit in der Atmosphäre befindlichen<br />

Menge CO2, wie aus einer von Ted Schuur, Ökologe an der Universität von Florida, veröffentlichter Untersuchung hervorgeht.<br />

Weniger Permafrost, mehr Treibhausgase<br />

Das Verbrennen fossiler Treibstoffe generiert jedes Jahr rund 8,5 Milliarden Tonnen CO2. Permafrostböden können mehr als 1,67<br />

Billionen Tonnen CO2 aufnehmen. "Das ist weit mehr, als wir erwartet haben", sagte Schuur in einer Pressemitteilung. Er geht<br />

davon aus, dass durch das Abtauen der Permafrostregionen zusätzlich 0,8 bis 1,1 Milliarden CO2 in die Erdatmosphäre gelangen.<br />

Das entspricht in etwa der Menge, die weltweit durch die jährliche Entwaldung freigesetzt wird. Besorgnis erregend ist, dass das<br />

auf diese Weise generierte klimaschädliche Treibhausgas CO2 nicht in den Klimahochrechnungen berücksichtigt wurde.<br />

Besondere finanzielle Zuwendungen im Internationalen Polarjahr haben Messungen der Permafrosttemperaturen durch ein<br />

Netzwerk aus Spezialisten möglich gemacht. So werden nach Angaben von Nikolay Shiklomanov, Permafrost-Experte an der Universität<br />

von Delaware in Kanada, in den Permafrostregionen Bohrlöcher für Temperaturmessgeräte gebohrt, die – einmal installiert<br />

– aufschlussreiche Informationen liefern sollen.<br />

Staaten wie Kanada verfügen derzeitig über äußerst dürftiges Zahlenmaterial, was die Entwicklung der Permafrostregionen<br />

angeht. Außerdem fehlt es an geeigneten Messstationen. Die Daten aus Alaska und Sibirien wiederum sind mehr als 20 Jahre alt,<br />

obwohl es auch dort in den letzten Jahren zu großen Temperatursprüngen gekommen ist.<br />

"Im arktischen System vollzieht sich derzeit ein Wandel", sagte Paul Wassmann, Ozeanograph an der University von Tromso in<br />

Norwegen. Das vorliegende Datenmaterial und die bisherigen Informationen seien unzuverlässige Indikatoren, um die Entwicklungen<br />

der Zukunft zu erfassen. Die Arktis werde wie sich alle Ökosysteme der Welt unwiederbringlich verändern. "Der menschliche<br />

Fingerabdruck ist überall auf dem Globus zu spüren. Das gilt besonders für den Norden." IPS | <strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> �<br />

28 <strong>KOMMUNIKATION</strong> <strong>GLOBAL</strong> | JANUAR <strong>2009</strong>


Climate Change Threatens Livelihoods<br />

By Pilirani Semu-Banda in Lilongwe<br />

Climate change will affect the Zambezi River basin more severely than any other river<br />

system in the world, according to Kenneth Msibi, Water Policy and Strategy Expert for<br />

the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Increased floods, drought and<br />

increased levels of disease threaten lives and livelihoods all along the river’s length.<br />

"Frequent floods and intense droughts are becoming more frequent occurrences in<br />

our region. We need to use our existing water resources as a catalyst for development<br />

so that we don’t get overwhelmed by the effects of climate change," said Msibi.<br />

Coordinator for the Climate Change and Adaptation in Africa project, Miriam<br />

Kalanda-Sabola, told IPS that farming communities in Malawi and Tanzania, for instance,<br />

have in the past 30 years experienced considerable negative climate change<br />

effects in both semi-arid and high rainfall areas.<br />

Throughout the basin, agriculture is mostly rain-fed, and the people of these states<br />

are facing declining agricultural productivity which is being linked to worsening poverty<br />

and increasing food insecurity.<br />

The semi-arid areas of Tanzania have seen declining crop yields, poor livestock production,<br />

and increasing domestic animal diseases. Many communities have abandoned<br />

the production of traditional crops. But farmers in areas of high rainfall are also in difficulty.<br />

"The high rainfall areas in Tanzania are facing declining soil fertility, stunted crop<br />

growth, destruction of mature crops in the field and stored ones," said Kalanda-<br />

Sabola.<br />

In Malawi's semi-arid areas, communities are seeing increasing periods of hunger and<br />

loss of property due to floods while droughts have reduced grazing for livestock due to<br />

droughts.<br />

Meanwhile, the high rainfall areas are experiencing soil erosion and frequent landslides,<br />

increasing incidence of malaria and loss of crops and animals due to floods.<br />

"The most vulnerable victims facing the effects of the changes in climatic conditions<br />

are the poor, women, children, elders, people with less education, sick people and<br />

communities in areas with poor infrastructures and less social network," said Kalanda-<br />

Sabola.<br />

New and increased levels of disease are also having a negative impact on agriculture,<br />

according to Professor Moses John Chimbari, Deputy Director at Harry Oppenheimer<br />

Okavango Research Centre (HOORC), a research institute at the University of<br />

Botswana.<br />

He says droughts and floods due to rising temperatures are creating a conducive environment<br />

for diseases such as malaria and meningitis. He said there are already many<br />

more episodes of malaria in the riparian states because of the favourable atmosphere<br />

for mosquitoes that has already been created due to the climatic changes.<br />

"This has a great impact on agriculture and the economies since people are sick most<br />

of the times and they are not being very productive," said Chimbari.<br />

Little capacity to adapt<br />

He said most countries in the Zambezi riparian states have little capacity to adapt to<br />

high incidence of diseases and that this makes many people even more vulnerable.<br />

He worried that HIV/AIDS is also adding to these stresses.<br />

"We need to reverse the trends that increase vulnerability to climate change through<br />

food security. We will actually be the most vulnerable region if we continue to be<br />

where we are now," said Chimbari.<br />

The researcher called for states to improve their health facilities and be able to<br />

cope with the health hazards being posed by climate change.<br />

The adaptation strategies that are being employed in Malawi include switching to<br />

drought-resistant crops like cassava, increased irrigation farming, growing earlymaturing<br />

hybrid varieties of crops and the use of organic manure.<br />

In Tanzania, farmers are also turning to drought resistant crops such as sunflowers,<br />

and employing small scale irrigation, improved social networks such as cooperatives<br />

and the use of improved seed varieties.<br />

Kalanda-Sabola approves of all these strategies and further calls for more livestock<br />

farming -- especially in the high rainfall sites -- and timely access to vital and simple<br />

information on climate change and variability. She says farmers in the region are being<br />

hampered by resource limitations including lack of enough crop land, lack of accessibility<br />

to loans and farm inputs. She underlines the need for a strengthening of capacity<br />

for implementation among communities. "Most farmers are failing to meet transaction<br />

costs necessary to acquire adaptation measures as they also have no or little access to<br />

external markets," she said. IPS | <strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> �<br />

COUNTDOWN TO COPENHAGEN<br />

<strong>GLOBAL</strong> <strong>PERSPECTIVES</strong> | JANUARY <strong>2009</strong> 29


KINOTIPP<br />

Film erzählt Erfolgsstory Liberias<br />

Von Marie-Helene Rousseau in New York<br />

Über ein Jahrzehnt war Liberia fast ununterbrochen im Bürgerkrieg versunken, da träumte die Sozialarbeiterin Leymah Gbowee<br />

davon, wie sie Frauen um sich sammelte, um für Frieden zu beten. 2003 machte sie ihren Traum in der St. Peters-Kirche von<br />

Monrovia wahr. Aus dem Gebetstreffen wurde eine landesweite Bewegung, die nicht nur ein Ende des Krieges, sondern auch eine<br />

Frau ins höchste Staatsamt brachte.<br />

Der Dokumentarfilm 'Pray the Devil Back<br />

to Hell' zeichnet den Weg der mutigen<br />

Gründerinnen des Frauennetzwerks für<br />

den Frieden (WIPNET) nach. Gedreht<br />

wurde er von Gini Reticker und produziert<br />

von Abigail Disney und jetzt beim<br />

renommierten New Yorker Tribeca-<br />

Filmfestival als bester Dokumentar-<br />

Featurefilm ausgezeichnet.<br />

In den ersten Szenen des Films umreißt<br />

Leymah Gbowee die vielfältigen Konflikte,<br />

die dem Krieg zugrunde lagen: Die<br />

weite Spanne zwischen Arm und Reich,<br />

der Hass zwischen den verschiedenen<br />

Volksgruppen des Landes und der Kampf<br />

um die natürlichen Ressourcen Liberias –<br />

"Macht, Geld, Ethnie und Gier", wie sie<br />

zusammenfassend kommentiert.<br />

Unterlegt wird diese Analyse mit harschen<br />

Bildern: Leichen, die durch die<br />

Straßen geschleift werden, Kinder mit<br />

Waffen, Massenbegräbnisse, dazu der<br />

Soundtrack ständigen Schießens. Die<br />

www.praythedevilbacktohell.com/v2 | Bild: Pewee Flomoku<br />

porträtierten Frauen bringen die unterschiedlichsten<br />

Hintergründe mit in die Friedensbewegung – es kommen Journalistinnen und Marktfrauen, Christinnen und Musliminnen.<br />

So wurde WIPNET nicht nur zu einer Kraft für den Frieden, sondern auch ein Symbol der Einheit in einem Land mit rund<br />

16 verschiedenen Religionen und Volksgruppen.<br />

"Ob Muslimin oder Christin – wir standen zusammen", erinnert sich Asatu Bah Kenneth, heute stellvertretende Polizeichefin des<br />

Landes, bei einer Vorführung des Films bei den Vereinten Nationen. "Wir suchten aus beiden Religionsgruppen Gebetsführerinnen<br />

aus. Wir hätten jederzeit umkommen können, es ist aber meines Wissens in der ganzen Zeit niemand von unserer Gruppe getötet<br />

worden." Bah Kenneth zufolge wurden die Frauen damals für verrückt gehalten. "Aber ich bin gläubig, und wenn du an Gott<br />

glaubst, kann der Glaube Berge versetzen. Es gab keine Diskriminierung innerhalb der Gruppe, weil wir alle den Frieden wollten."<br />

Der Film zeigt, wie unnachgiebig die Frauen waren. Die Friedensgesprächen 2003 in Ghana zogen sich endlos hin, weil die Delegierten<br />

sie praktisch als Erholungsurlaub betrachteten. Die Frauen machten ihrem Unmut Luft, indem sie das Konferenzzentrum<br />

mit einer Menschenkette abriegelten. Kein Delegierter sollte mehr hinaus dürfen bis es Fortschritte gab. Die Polizei war machtlos<br />

gegen diese Form des Protests, schließlich schlossen sich sogar Beamte den Frauen an, gaben ihnen taktische Hinweise, etwa<br />

wenn Verhandlungsteilnehmer sich durch die Fenster davonmachen wollten.<br />

Der Eifer der Bewegung erlahmte auch nicht nach Ende der Gespräche und dem Exil des bisherigen Machthabers Charles Taylor.<br />

Der Film zeigt, wie Frauen, unzufrieden mit der Effizienz der UN-geführten Friedenstruppe, die Entwaffnung der Rebellen selbst<br />

in die Hand nahmen. "Die Friedenstruppe fand keine Ansprechpartner mit Befehlsgewalt vor", berichtet Asatu Bah Kenneth, "sie<br />

wusste nicht, was sie machen sollte. Also übernahmen wir Frauen die Führung."<br />

Natürlich waren mit dem offiziellen Ende des Bürgerkriegs nicht alle Probleme Liberias automatisch gelöst. Nach 2007 konstatierte<br />

die Hilfsagentur 'ActionAid', das Vergewaltigungen immer noch gang und gäbe sind. "Unsere Präsidentin will über zwischengeschlechtliche<br />

Gewalt schon früh in der Schule aufklären lassen", sagt Kenneth. "Ich glaube, das könnte etwas bewirken."<br />

Das Familien- und Entwicklungsministerium arbeite an einem Programm zur Stärkung der Rolle der Frau, und ihre eigene Polizei<br />

werde zu 13 Prozent von Frauen gestellt.<br />

Im Bürgerkrieg griffen die Frauen zu gewaltlosen Mitteln wie Sexverweigerung und Demonstrationen. "Die Rolle der Frauen im<br />

Krieg blieb immer unsichtbar", sagt die Produzentin der Dokumentation, Abigail Disney. "Und zweifelsohne sind wir zu lange<br />

nicht in den Friedensprozess eingebunden worden – speziell heutzutage, wo die meisten Kriegsopfer Zivilisten sind und Frauen<br />

ganz gezielt ins Visier genommen werden, um die Bevölkerung zu terrorisieren. Die Botschaft des Films ist die Hoffnung, dass<br />

das Gute über das Böse siegen kann und normale Menschen Außerordentliches bewirken können."<br />

IPS |<strong>KOMMUNIKATION</strong> <strong>GLOBAL</strong> �<br />

30 <strong>KOMMUNIKATION</strong> <strong>GLOBAL</strong> | JANUAR <strong>2009</strong>


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