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Memory and Power in Post-War Europe: Studies in the Presence of ...

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10 Translat<strong>in</strong>g memories <strong>of</strong> war <strong>and</strong><br />

co-belligerency <strong>in</strong>to politics:<br />

<strong>the</strong> Italian post-war experience<br />

Ilaria Poggiol<strong>in</strong>i<br />

The 1940s were <strong>the</strong> formative years for conflict<strong>in</strong>g memories <strong>in</strong> postwar<br />

Italy. Dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> second half <strong>of</strong> that decade different sets <strong>of</strong> memories<br />

were l<strong>in</strong>ked to different political choices <strong>and</strong> translated <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong><br />

exclusive heritage <strong>of</strong> various political forces. The multiplicity <strong>of</strong> conflict<strong>in</strong>g<br />

memories rema<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong>tact because a general, that is, national,<br />

process <strong>of</strong> recast<strong>in</strong>g collective memories, as <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r defeated<br />

countries, did not take place. This chapter provides an <strong>in</strong>terpretation<br />

<strong>of</strong> why no unify<strong>in</strong>g national memory emerged <strong>in</strong> Italy after <strong>the</strong> Second<br />

World <strong>War</strong>. It also suggests that a pattern <strong>of</strong> national amnesia versus <strong>the</strong><br />

‘counter-cultural’ left-w<strong>in</strong>g form <strong>of</strong> remembrance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Resistance took<br />

its place.<br />

The ma<strong>in</strong> argument <strong>of</strong> this chapter revolves around <strong>the</strong> question<br />

<strong>of</strong> how <strong>the</strong> post-war Italian split between a political system dom<strong>in</strong>ated<br />

by <strong>the</strong> Christian Democrats <strong>and</strong> a civil society penetrated by <strong>the</strong><br />

communists operated on <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> memory. Indeed, <strong>the</strong> rebirth <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> new democratic Italy was based on both amnesia <strong>and</strong> remembrance<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Resistance. The latter <strong>in</strong>spired <strong>the</strong> Italian constitution<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> former, at <strong>the</strong> cost <strong>of</strong> fifty years <strong>of</strong> Christian Democratic hegemony,<br />

made possible economic prosperity <strong>and</strong> Italy’s military security <strong>in</strong><br />

NATO.<br />

While <strong>the</strong> moderate Italian governments capitalised first on <strong>the</strong> shock<br />

<strong>of</strong> defeat <strong>and</strong> later on <strong>the</strong> ‘communist danger’ for <strong>the</strong>ir pragmatic political<br />

usefulness, <strong>the</strong> left cultivated memories <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> anti-Fascism experience <strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> an almost exclusive heritage <strong>and</strong>, as a result, it was very slow<br />

<strong>in</strong> re-exam<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>m.<br />

This chapter shows how, <strong>in</strong> a country where, arguably, a process <strong>of</strong><br />

nation-build<strong>in</strong>g has yet to be completed, conflict<strong>in</strong>g memories <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Second World <strong>War</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Resistance did not prevent a long-term process<br />

<strong>of</strong> political reconciliation, but <strong>the</strong> myths rema<strong>in</strong>ed separate, deepen<strong>in</strong>g<br />

cultural <strong>and</strong> national divisions even fur<strong>the</strong>r.<br />

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