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Memory and Power in Post-War Europe: Studies in the Presence of ...

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German foreign policy-mak<strong>in</strong>g s<strong>in</strong>ce 1945 83<br />

The ma<strong>in</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> such an exercise is not to del<strong>in</strong>eate some unified,<br />

modal underst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> history. On <strong>the</strong> contrary, <strong>the</strong> aim is to identify<br />

<strong>the</strong> different, <strong>of</strong>ten contend<strong>in</strong>g, views <strong>of</strong> history <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> types <strong>of</strong><br />

lessons that are drawn from <strong>the</strong> past. 17 Collective historical memory is<br />

not simply a record <strong>of</strong> past events; it is <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>tersubjective outcome <strong>of</strong><br />

a series <strong>of</strong> ongo<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>tellectual <strong>and</strong> political negotiations. The products<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se negotiations may achieve a certa<strong>in</strong> degree <strong>of</strong> stability for a period<br />

<strong>of</strong> time, but <strong>the</strong>y are constantly subject to challenges <strong>and</strong> alternative<br />

<strong>in</strong>terpretations.<br />

Hav<strong>in</strong>g p<strong>in</strong>po<strong>in</strong>ted <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>in</strong> parameters <strong>of</strong> historical debate <strong>in</strong> a<br />

given political system at a particular po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>in</strong> time, <strong>the</strong> next step is to<br />

<strong>in</strong>vestigate <strong>the</strong> policies that emerged out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> political process <strong>and</strong> to<br />

analyse <strong>the</strong> ways <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong>y are legitimated. Although it is impossible<br />

to prove def<strong>in</strong>itively that historically grounded legitimations <strong>and</strong> arguments<br />

were <strong>the</strong> actual causes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> policies that emerged, <strong>the</strong> analyst<br />

can at least establish an association between certa<strong>in</strong> types <strong>of</strong> historically<br />

derived arguments <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> underly<strong>in</strong>g core pr<strong>in</strong>ciples on which foreign<br />

policy was based. It <strong>the</strong>n becomes possible to evaluate <strong>the</strong> actual strength<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> relationship between behaviour <strong>and</strong> beliefs by trac<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> evolution<br />

<strong>of</strong> both over time, monitor<strong>in</strong>g how <strong>the</strong>y evolved <strong>in</strong> response to historical<br />

events <strong>and</strong> pressures.<br />

Of central importance to <strong>the</strong> analysis is determ<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> degree <strong>of</strong> consistency<br />

between behaviour <strong>and</strong> expressed historical memory over time.<br />

If <strong>the</strong> beliefs <strong>and</strong> values <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> actors shift without any correspond<strong>in</strong>g<br />

changes <strong>in</strong> behaviour, <strong>the</strong>re is reason to question <strong>the</strong> posited relationship<br />

between <strong>the</strong> two. Likewise, if behaviour changes without shifts <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

expressed beliefs associated with earlier policies, <strong>the</strong>n aga<strong>in</strong> we have<br />

reason to doubt that <strong>the</strong> two factors <strong>in</strong>fluence one ano<strong>the</strong>r. In o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

words, expressed historically grounded beliefs <strong>and</strong> values should develop<br />

<strong>in</strong> t<strong>and</strong>em with defence <strong>and</strong> national security policy. When <strong>the</strong>re is a disjuncture<br />

between <strong>the</strong> two – between <strong>the</strong> exist<strong>in</strong>g norms <strong>and</strong> values <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

k<strong>in</strong>ds <strong>of</strong> new policies that political actors are attempt<strong>in</strong>g to implement –<br />

an appropriate degree <strong>of</strong> tension should be observable <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> political<br />

system.<br />

F<strong>in</strong>ally, it is necessary to identify <strong>the</strong> conditions under which a culture is<br />

likely to change. Here it may be suggested that cultural systems, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g<br />

<strong>the</strong> types <strong>of</strong> lessons drawn from history, rema<strong>in</strong> plausible only <strong>in</strong>s<strong>of</strong>ar as<br />

17 In contrast to earlier generations <strong>of</strong> scholarly work on political culture, contemporary<br />

<strong>the</strong>orists focus on culture as complex, fractured <strong>and</strong> def<strong>in</strong>ed as much by <strong>the</strong> boundaries<br />

that it draws between itself <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs as by its actual content. For a brief review, see Yosef<br />

Lapid, ‘Culture’s Ship: Returns <strong>and</strong> Departures <strong>in</strong> International Relations Theory’, <strong>in</strong><br />

Yosef Lapid <strong>and</strong> Friedrich Kratochwil (eds.), The Return <strong>of</strong> Culture <strong>and</strong> Identity <strong>in</strong> IR<br />

Theory (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1996), esp. 6–9.

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