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Memory and Power in Post-War Europe: Studies in the Presence of ...

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The Italian post-war experience 239<br />

party brought to an end Prodi’s government, but did not reverse <strong>the</strong> most<br />

remarkable achievements <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘clean h<strong>and</strong>s’ experience <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> end<strong>in</strong>g<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cold <strong>War</strong>, namely <strong>the</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> a consensus <strong>in</strong> Italy around<br />

<strong>the</strong> centre-left political project. Prodi’s achievements <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternal economic<br />

policy <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> were <strong>the</strong> heritage entrusted to <strong>the</strong> h<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first<br />

Italian government led by a former communist, Massimo D’Alema, <strong>the</strong><br />

leader <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Democratici di S<strong>in</strong>istra (DS, <strong>the</strong> successor <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> PDS).<br />

D’Alema’s leadership marked <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> long march <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> post-<br />

Second World <strong>War</strong> Italian communist party towards government. However,<br />

<strong>the</strong> strength <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> parties <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> right <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir forceful opposition<br />

to <strong>the</strong> leader <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> DS, show that memories <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘communist danger’<br />

could still be kept alive. It has to be po<strong>in</strong>ted out that <strong>the</strong> transition from<br />

Prodi to D’Alema was marked by a change <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> government coalition<br />

away from <strong>the</strong> majority group<strong>in</strong>g which followed <strong>the</strong> 1996 elections. This<br />

was due partly to Bert<strong>in</strong>otti’s decision to oppose <strong>the</strong> last Prodi government<br />

to <strong>the</strong> end <strong>and</strong> partly to D’Alema’s flexibility <strong>in</strong> mak<strong>in</strong>g alliances<br />

with political groups outside <strong>the</strong> previous coalition. One can argue that<br />

D’Alema showed from <strong>the</strong> very beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g an <strong>in</strong>cl<strong>in</strong>ation for compromise<br />

that made him a far less <strong>in</strong>novative leader than Prodi <strong>in</strong> Italian political<br />

life. Certa<strong>in</strong>ly, Prodi was able to dismiss history much more easily than<br />

D’Alema could ever dream <strong>of</strong> do<strong>in</strong>g because <strong>the</strong> latter is <strong>the</strong> product<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cultural environment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> left which had monopolised, toge<strong>the</strong>r<br />

with <strong>the</strong> laic parties, <strong>the</strong> memories <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Resistance <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> early<br />

post-Second World <strong>War</strong> political struggle.<br />

D’Alema’s resignation as prime m<strong>in</strong>ister, follow<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> poor result for<br />

his coalition <strong>in</strong> regional elections, seemed to prove his <strong>in</strong>ability to capitalise<br />

on <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al Olive Tree project <strong>and</strong> to re<strong>in</strong>force <strong>and</strong> exp<strong>and</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> idea <strong>of</strong> an Italian ‘third way’. Giuliano Amato followed, his new government<br />

supported by a wide parliamentary majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> centre-left.<br />

Amato is an academic by tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g with much high-level political experience,<br />

<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> post <strong>of</strong> f<strong>in</strong>ance m<strong>in</strong>ister <strong>in</strong> D’Alema’s government.<br />

His ma<strong>in</strong> task was, from <strong>the</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> centre-left, to prevent<br />

<strong>the</strong> general election, due by April 2001, be<strong>in</strong>g held very early, because<br />

this was likely to usher Berlusconi <strong>in</strong>to government for <strong>the</strong> second time.<br />

Indeed, Amato ga<strong>in</strong>ed respect with<strong>in</strong> <strong>and</strong> outside Italy for his competent<br />

<strong>and</strong> effective style <strong>of</strong> government. However, <strong>the</strong> general election held on<br />

13 May 2001 did sanction <strong>the</strong> success <strong>of</strong> Berlusconi <strong>and</strong> his political allies<br />

on <strong>the</strong> right <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Italian political spectrum.<br />

Not surpris<strong>in</strong>gly, <strong>the</strong> 1996 electoral victory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> centre-left coalition<br />

as well as <strong>the</strong> shift to <strong>the</strong> centre-right <strong>in</strong> 2001, contributed to a remarkable<br />

revival <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> debate on national identity <strong>in</strong> Italy. At <strong>the</strong> core <strong>of</strong> this<br />

debate were <strong>the</strong> views <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Italian nation <strong>and</strong> state as perceived by <strong>the</strong>

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