Living on the Margins. Minorities in South Asia - EURAC

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Hindus in 1971 and creating a culture of social theft which the appropriating Bangladeshis later embraced. From 1972 to 1975: the Hindu-India trap The Hindus were better accommodated at the national rather than the sub-national level in Bangladesh, because at this level the state wanted to uphold an image that all communities were equal as regards Bangladesh nationalism. Also, Indian public opinion still mattered as the new state depended on India for various kind of support, and Hindus mattered in India. Thus Hindus fell into the Hindu-India trap. Given the considerable discomfort of the Bangla leadership over India's management of the war politics, this didn't strengthen the position of the Hindus.. Official India's attitude towards the 1971 Bangladesh war ranged from patronizing to condescending, to that of outright dislike of Bengalis/ Bangals/ Muslim Bengalis. In Bangladesh, most of the political groups recognized India's role in 1971 but resented its unilateral way of running the war. Beneath the veneer of the new found friendship was a wide ranging hostility, including amongst the Awami League (AL). Thus, Indo- Bangla relationship was a significant factor in determining how the Hindus as 'Indian representatives' were treated in Bangladesh. Two factors influenced the political psychology of the period. One, that the Awami League government was supported by India whatever may be the private feelings of its leaders. This AL government was misruling. Therefore, India was supporting the misrule. Two, Indian goods overwhelmed the market as cheap supply chased high demand.. Smuggling and black market was extensive and the Indian-AL alliance was blamed. Most smuggled good were Indian and most smugglers had links to the new power group in town, dependent on India for political legitimacy and even power. Moreover, the most repressive para-military force in town- the Rakkhi Bahini- was trained and mentored by Indians, further bolstering this negative perception. 6 Though local Hindus had very little to do with the situation, they were blamed because Hindus and India had once again become inextricably linked together through the political and economic management of the new state under the Awami League. Bangladesh Congress Party: India's Hindu party in Bangladesh ? Members of the Pakistan Congress had played a significant role in the first stage of constructing the Opposition to the central Pakistan right after 1947. Congress MP Dhiren Dutta was the first to raise the Bangla language issue in the Pakistan Assembly in 1948 and many Hindus were members of the leftist parties that supported the Bengali nationalist movement. But over time the nationalist mainstream found no space for the Congress Party as it never developed an agenda that had an across the board appeal. It was perceived as the East Bengal representation of the INC. 39
As long as separate electorate existed under which Muslims and Hindus voted for their own candidates, there was some visibility, but once that disappeared in 1955, the Congress Party in East Pakistan also ceased to be an effective presence. Of its members, many went away to India and some joined the Awami League or turned communist. After 1972, when the Congress tried to revive itself, it was perceived more as a loyalist Indian caucus, as it had done little to establish its independent status or participated as a party or group in the critical stages of the Bangladesh nationalist project. As it overwhelmingly supported Awami League in all its actions, it neither created an independent space nor became a political party as such but gained a reputation as the "Hindu' arm of the Awami League. The situation peaked in 1975 when Sk. Mujib-ur- Rahman considered the founding leader of Bangladesh established one-party rule in Bangladesh by bringing together a coalition comprising, the Awami League, the Congress party and the then pro-Soviet Communist Party which was also an Indian ally. The one-party construct called BKSAL, was very unpopular. It was widely thought that the Indo-Soviet alliance was behind the birth of the party. When one-party rule fell in a bloody military putsch in August 1975, the demonization of India, the Awami League and Hindus began in earnest at a national level so as to discredit the deposed political party and its patrons. The worst victims of this process were the Hindus who were branded as representatives of the principal supporter of the one party rule, India. And Hindus represented India, the principal enemy. With gains in respectability made by the Islamists owing to the failures in governance of the Awami League, the Hindus lost further ground. Secularism became a hated concept as people misconstrued it to mean the refusal of the state to practice religion. By extension, it came to be seen as a concept Indian would promote for the benefit of the India friendly Hindu population of Bangladesh. When the AL lost power in a military putsch, India described the situation as a "hostile take over". The new rulers – the military - civil combine- easily constructed their political demonizing structure on popular perceptions of hate which centred on India, Soviet Union, the Awami League and their various political wings. To this list was added the community of Hindus as supporters of India and the AL. It opened the floodgates to Hindu oppression, as the most vulnerable and convenient community to repress in Bangladesh. Property grabbing as a wealth producing activity In a pioneering study on property grabbing and community identity, Prof. Abul Barakat and his colleagues have shown that Hindu property was systemically looted and by all the powerful political parties. The key instrument was the Enemy Property Act which was passed by Pakistan after the 1965 war and after 1971 became known as the Vested Property Act. So great is the vested interest of the grabbers, that no political party has shown any inclination to dismantle this law. Today, even though the act is no longer in force, many loopholes can be found to enable the grabbing of Hindu property to continue regularly. 7 40
Page 1 and 2: Prepared in the frame of EURASIAN
Page 3 and 4: I - Introduction Rita Manchanda II
Page 5 and 6: ‘powerlessness’. The history of
Page 7 and 8: theory of the ‘clash of civilizat
Page 9 and 10: unitary ideology, centralized struc
Page 11 and 12: Pakistan: Constitution based discri
Page 13 and 14: their construction process, since t
Page 15 and 16: Chowdhury explores the dilemma of a
Page 17 and 18: such a collusion and has systematic
Page 19 and 20: viii The rights of ‘people’ and
Page 21 and 22: these make for an egalitarian socie
Page 23 and 24: Muslims. There are three kinds of w
Page 25 and 26: Nonetheless, this alignment with se
Page 27 and 28: the oppressed even while we recogni
Page 29 and 30: The result was the impoverishment o
Page 31 and 32: negligence or failure has its roots
Page 33 and 34: Muslims, in other words have joined
Page 35 and 36: xviii Indicators of development her
Page 37 and 38: social identity of the ruling class
Page 39: Since Bengalis in general were in c
Page 43 and 44: their significance as a group and h
Page 45 and 46: it would seem that Bangladeshi Hind
Page 47 and 48: However, the image of Hindus as vot
Page 49 and 50: Trends Production of communalism or
Page 51 and 52: Religious Minorities in Pakistan: M
Page 53 and 54: In the 1981 census, out of a total
Page 55 and 56: the 1998 Census, caste Hindus const
Page 57 and 58: elationship with Sikhs in Afghanist
Page 59 and 60: Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Excerpts of In
Page 61 and 62: many regimes would use the Islamic
Page 63 and 64: The 1956 Constitution largely refle
Page 65 and 66: Christian & Hindu Votes Impact 50 N
Page 67 and 68: across the country. Now, Pakistan
Page 69 and 70: that takes Pakistan’s plural trad
Page 71 and 72: minorities and women. This was evin
Page 73 and 74: Wolpert, S., Zulfi Bhutto of Pakist
Page 75 and 76: ensures that it is fully absorbed a
Page 77 and 78: aggressiveness and Hindus are aggre
Page 79 and 80: community, is subject to the most i
Page 81 and 82: frenzy”. The major absence in thi
Page 83 and 84: After the death of emperor Aurangze
Page 85 and 86: speech is used to create silences,
Page 87 and 88: Muslims in Sri Lanka: Political Cho
Page 89 and 90: They rarely highlighted their ‘Mu
Page 91 and 92:
generation of the Muslim intelligen
Page 93 and 94:
Athaullah, Rishard Bathiuddeen, and
Page 95 and 96:
forces hoped that the Rajapaksa reg
Page 97 and 98:
won 15 seats while the UPFA won 18.
Page 99 and 100:
xvii After the general elections of
Page 101 and 102:
an equal opportunity law in 1996-19
Page 103 and 104:
administration headed by the Eelam
Page 105 and 106:
nationalism was that the nationhood
Page 107 and 108:
Rights Claims in Muslim Politics Mu
Page 109 and 110:
councils for the two provinces. Bot
Page 111 and 112:
A subsequent agreement signed betwe
Page 113 and 114:
areas where the local majority popu
Page 115 and 116:
a scheme for an interim administrat
Page 117 and 118:
months later. The de-merger occurre
Page 119 and 120:
Meanwhile, the strategies of minori
Page 121 and 122:
xvii Cited in Loganathan, 1996, p.
Page 123 and 124:
I will just briefly summarize it he
Page 125 and 126:
Table 1: Parliament Seats under FPT
Page 127 and 128:
under the district governments, the
Page 129 and 130:
However, there are other groups whi
Page 131 and 132:
The threshold for PR election shoul
Page 133 and 134:
controlled by local elite (Harper a
Page 135 and 136:
Likewise, the parliament could deci
Page 137 and 138:
Binswanger, Hans P., and Miranda El
Page 139 and 140:
Stash, Sharon, and Emily Hannum. 20
Page 141 and 142:
The in-migration of labor force fro
Page 143 and 144:
India was divided into two sovereig
Page 145 and 146:
culturally. In the last five thousa
Page 147 and 148:
Meanwhile, the non-Muslim minoritie
Page 149 and 150:
The Current Nationalist Movement in
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leave Karachi. Outward migration re
Page 153 and 154:
are for and against lobbies in Isla
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It is questionable whether the nati
Page 157 and 158:
17 Aitizaz Ahsan, The Indus Saga, A
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wars between the tribes and the Bri
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and ethnocide of indigenous populat
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governments did not allow their NG0
Page 165 and 166:
But even these additional criteria
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the ‘outsiders’ who have strang
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date. In India, despite the protect
Page 171 and 172:
Tribal Land Alienation in Maharasht
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Bhamragad 18 14.76 35.26 13.94 13.1
Page 175 and 176:
name of projects using the colonial
Page 177 and 178:
hands of landlords. (25) The fourth
Page 179 and 180:
means that those who have been depr
Page 181 and 182:
Examination of the case records sho
Page 183 and 184:
While the table appears to be recen
Page 185 and 186:
5. Tribal Research and Training Ins
Page 187 and 188:
Legality and Pragmatism Usha Ramana
Page 189 and 190:
to resolve this problem that, other
Page 191 and 192:
means of livelihood”. 15 The “o
Page 193 and 194:
leasehold rights but only a licence
Page 195 and 196:
public lands was being addressed in
Page 197 and 198:
was in the eighties and the early n
Page 199 and 200:
obligations have devolved upon them
Page 201 and 202:
There is a direct relationship betw
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