THE AGRARIAN RURAL HOUSEHOLD ECONOMY

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A MESSAGE FROM PROF. DR. MICHAEL BOLLIG Reports and academic publications on various aspects of social, economic and cultural change in South Africa are plentiful and they draw on admirable sets of data. In the light of this abundance of information, the dearth of quantitative and comparative data on the highly politicised areas of tenure change and land use is noteworthy. While politicians, activists and journalists often speak of the challenges and possibilities of comprehensive land reform, their knowledge about rural dwellers is astoundingly shallow and limited. While there were some excellent case studies on rural livelihoods conducted after 1994 and some regionally-focused quantitative studies (notably by the Programme on Land and Agrarian Studies at the University of the Western Cape), there is limited detailed and quantified data comparing the challenges facing rural dwellers across South Africa. Do people living on rural commons (the former homelands) fare better than people living on land reform farms, or as tenants on farms? Is food insecurity still an issue in South Africa’s rural areas? To what extent is smallholder agriculture still a feasible option for land use in a highly industrialised setting? What kind of agricultural investments do rural dwellers prefer to make (if they make any) and to what extend do rural extension services assist them? There is also very little information available about how rural livelihoods compare across South Africa’s provinces. Do rural dwellers in KwaZulu-Natal pursue different livelihood strategies to villagers in the Eastern Cape? How do land-based livelihood strategies develop in the Western Cape where communal lands are minimal and where land redistribution and restitution has had little impact? This book provides answers to many of these questions, and it does so on the basis of detailed data, produced in a methodologically sound way. As such, it is a highly laudable contribution to the field and gives us a stable and objective foundation on which to base future inputs and policies and a vehicle through which to de-politicise ideological discussion on the challenges of land reform and agrarian change. The book is the joint product of a number of civil society organisations which support local communities engaged in land and agrarian reform. These organisations established the learning platform Tshintsha Amakhaya in 2009. A key activity of this platform is to provide sound information for further planning. This report presents the data of a baseline survey conducted at the end of 2010 and in early 2011. In total, 1,743 respondents in 12 municipalities across four provinces (Western Cape, Eastern Cape, KwaZulu-Natal and Limpopo) answered questions on livelihood strategies, household income, factors contributing to vulnerability, and access to public services. While six different rural tenure types were captured, the majority of the respondents resided on communal lands, on commercial farms (as farm dwellers), on land reform farms and on urban commonages. The survey convincingly shows that agricultural activities still feature significantly in South Africa’s rural areas: 55% of those over 18 in the households were identified as farmers or farm workers. Smallholder agriculture is still (and will be) an important option for many rural dwellers. There is little evidence of the rapid de-agrarianisation postulated by some commentators. Astonishingly, access to land does not seem to be a major issue for many: 84% of the respondents claimed to have access to land and that agricultural activities were a feasible option for them. This, however, does not preclude the fact that many of them have access to only tiny pieces of land which are not economically viable to farm, or lack the correct agricultural techniques to intensively farm small parcels of land. The rather positive outlook on land access, however, is contradicted by findings on food security. These were devastating: 31% of all households went hungry sometimes, often or always, during the past year, and 5% specified that hunger was a recurrent problem in their homes. These figures have serious implications for South Africa but also for global politics: more than 30% of the population in one of the world’s rapidly evolving markets experiences grave problems of food security. Thus, a growing industrial economy which thrives on the export of food does not readily produce a situation of domestic food security. Food insecurity was most severe in KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape and people living on communal lands and in informal settlements faced hunger more often than others. These are also regions of South Africa where conflict and violence are concentrated and it takes little imagination to draw a causal link between food insecurity and social unrest. The report impressively shows that rural dwellers in no way passively accept this situation. 7 THE AGRARIAN RURAL HOUSEHOLD ECONOMY REPORT
A first strategy to buffer periodic shortfalls among poor rural dwellers was crop production, even if only small pieces of arable land were accessible and levels of production were fairly low. While about half of all respondents received some kind of agricultural training, this apparently had little effect on productivity. This casts a fairly negative light on the efficiency of such services, which may possibly have to be reconsidered on the basis of the data presented here. There is grim irony in the fact that despite agricultural activities being of importance, the research indicates that the main source of food for household consumption was supermarkets. Food sovereignty is thus at low levels throughout most communal areas. Local food markets were not of major importance in the sample. This underlines the disarticulation of rural agricultural livelihoods. The report shows that many rural dwellers are keenly interested in extending their agricultural portfolios. Many identify as farmers, claim access to some land, and more than a third of all households had some kind of livestock. It is here that non-governmental organisations as well as the extension services of the administration find an entry point. This publication serves as an important instrument for decision-makers and commentators. It will equip them with better data on which to base their policies and services to rural communities. It is also a tool for communities themselves which can use the information as a starting point for internal discussion. The book is also intended to serve as a benchmarking tool to measure progress. The intention is to repeat the survey in the future to reflect upon the efficiency of inputs by governmental bodies and non-governmental organisations. Thus, it serves as a valuable contribution to pertinent discussions in South African society and as an important point of reference for people working in the land sector. Prof. Dr. Michael Bollig Institute for Social and Cultural Anthropology & Vice-Rector for International Relations, Diversity and Academic Career, University of Koeln A MESSAGE FROM ANGELA CONWAY Agrarian transformation is an illusion for the majority of rural South Africans. Skewed land ownership patterns remain entrenched. The dominant commercial agriculture context, increasingly monopolised by large agri-business, excludes small-scale, resource-poor farmers. Farm workers and dwellers’ continue to live without secure tenure. Furthermore, the minimal social protection offered by labour legislation is often not adhered to on farms. The effect of these conditions on poor, rural people is stark, with the findings of this research showing that 31% of the households interviewed reported experiencing periodic hunger and other estimates pointing to figures as high as one in four. This is compounded, especially in rural areas, by the commodification of food from seed to table and the steep rise in food and transportation prices. The fact that supermarkets are the primary source of food despite more than a quarter of people interviewed listing agriculture as their primary employment confirms the need to strengthen small-scale agriculture. World-wide there is growing recognition of the potential of small-scale agriculture and agro-ecological methods of production to combat poverty and environmental degradation. In the rural areas of South Africa large numbers of people are practising some form of agriculture yet remain excluded from the formal agri-food value chains, with only 2% of participants in the research noting agriculture as their primary source of income. Detailed research into the agrarian rural household economy was necessary to deepen an analysis of rural livelihoods and of the potential and obstacles of smallscale agriculture and to thus identify the priorities and strategies of the Tshintsha Amakhaya platform. The findings and recommendations of the research will be used to inform mobilisation and advocacy strategies and underpin campaigns relating to small-scale farmers and farm workers and dwellers. At the same time the research forms a baseline against which impact can be measured. The research is a basis for the work of the Tshintsha Amakhaya partners in enhancing rural people’s capacity to secure livelihoods and rights for food sovereignty. Forward to food sovereignty! Angela Conway Chair, Programme Sub-committee of Tshintsha Amakhaya 8
Page 1 and 2: THE AGRARIAN RURAL HOUSEHOLD ECONOM
Page 4 and 5: i table of contents EXECUTIVE SUMMA
Page 6 and 7: iii list of figures Figure 51: Wate
Page 8 and 9: I executive summary 1
Page 10 and 11: INCOME Along with food security, ho
Page 12 and 13: Forty-five percent of respondents h
Page 16 and 17: CHAPTER 01 introduction 9
Page 18 and 19: FIGURE 1: RESEARCH SITES AND DISTRI
Page 20 and 21: CHAPTER 02 methodology 13
Page 22 and 23: Further qualitative work is needed
Page 24 and 25: CHAPTER 03 17 description of sample
Page 26 and 27: FIGURE 3: PROVINCIAL BREAKDOWN OF S
Page 28 and 29: CHAPTER 01 Nationally an estimated
Page 30 and 31: CHAPTER 04 demographics 23
Page 32 and 33: Across the municipalities there is
Page 34 and 35: FIGURE 9: LEVEL OF EDUCATION BY TEN
Page 36 and 37: FIGURE 10: TYPE OF EMPLOYMENT (N=1,
Page 38 and 39: CHAPTER 05 31 land use
Page 40 and 41: TABLE 8: FORMS OF TENURE AND KEY TE
Page 42 and 43: TABLE 9: CROP LAND SIZE (N=1,260) T
Page 44 and 45: CHAPTER 06 income 37
Page 46 and 47: CHAPTER 01 Wages cover a wide spect
Page 48 and 49: CHAPTER 01 In KZN our sample was de
Page 50 and 51: The small percentage who indicated
Page 52 and 53: FIGURE 17: HOUSEHOLD INCOME BY PROV
Page 54 and 55: 47 access to food The survey looked
Page 56 and 57: FIGURE 20: HUNGER BY TENURE TYPE (N
Page 58 and 59: CHAPTER 01 In nearly half the cases
Page 60 and 61: Only one in 10 rural households can
Page 62 and 63: TABLE 12: A TYPICAL FOOD BASKET FOR
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57 livestock ownership, sales and m
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CHAPTER 01 Chickens are the most wi
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FIGURE 31: PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS
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FIGURE 33: AGGREGATE CHANGES IN HER
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FIGURE 36: LIVESTOCK SALES A relati
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8.3 LIVESTOCK VALUE CHAINS AND AGRO
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CHAPTER 09 69 crop production, sale
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FIGURE 39: PERCENTAGE PRODUCING DIF
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FIGURE 42: DISAGGREGATED FARM DWELL
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FIGURE 45: CROP SALES BY CROP TYPE
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FIGURE 48: % OF RESPONDENTS IN DIFF
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CHAPTER 10 79 water access & agricu
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FIGURE 50: WATER SOURCE FOR CROPS B
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There are generally low levels of e
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We carried out a similar exercise f
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87 farm worker conditions Although
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CHAPTER 12 evictions 89
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FIGURE 57: EVICTIONS AND THREAT OF
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Informal settlements are a relative
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TABLE 17: DOES ANYONE IN YOUR HOUSE
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CHAPTER 14 97 key findings and reco
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OBJECTIVES AND SURVEY FINDINGS RECO
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101 annexure 2 CONSOLIDATED SITUATI
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TABLE 1: GEOGRAPHIC OVERVIEW OF RES
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Even today, 25 or more years since
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5. MAIN ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES Agricul
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6. LAND REFORM AND AGRICULTURE 6.1
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Concentration of agro-processing fa
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6.2 Land reform and tenure In all t
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In some municipalities, the redistr
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8. CONCLUSION This situation analys
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eferences Action Aid (2011) ‘On t
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Jacobs, P. (2012) ‘Protecting foo
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