The Ottoman Empire and the World Around It - Course Information

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~ THE STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES OF OTTOMAN WARFARE ~ 117 tary reformation’ did in fact pit Spaniards, Venetians or Austrian Habsburgs against the Ottomans. Apart from the loss of Hungary in 1683–99/1094–1111, the commanders of the sultans were able to hold their own reasonably well until the disastrous second half of the eighteenth century. This must mean that, similarly to their opponents, the Ottomans adapted to the new technologies. Given the numerous confrontations between armies of comparable strengths, it would been impossible to reject new military techniques merely because they had been pioneered by an adversary. 98 Military innovations thus spread rather quickly in both directions. A recent study has pointed out that sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Russian military reforms – that is, organizational change in the pre-Petrine period – owed a good deal to Ottoman models. 99 Given this constant interchange, quite a few studies of early modern warfare in Europe now include the Ottomans, even though most historians writing about the ‘military revolution/reformation’ know much less about the armies and supply systems of the sultans than about those of their Christian opponents. Moreover, a successful war was the most highly valued element in the panoply of policies intended to legitimize the ruler in the eyes of the ruling group, and thus a conquering sultan greatly added to his prestige. In this the Ottomans were in no way unique, and recent research on France has shown that French kings also emphasized this aspect of their rule, both by actually going to war and by having their propagandists write about it. 100 On the other hand, the fate of Mehmed IV, deposed in 1687/1098–9, shows that major defeats, such as those sustained before Vienna and Buda during the preceding years, could cost the ruler his throne. This same point was demonstrated once again when Mustafa II was deposed in 1703/1114–15, shortly after the peace of Karlowitz. 101 Beyond military gains and losses, political chances and risks were always involved in the decision to go to war. Ottomanist historians, however, have viewed Ottoman warfare less as a question of military professionalism or political legitimacy than as an aspect of the ‘war and society’ problematic. As we have seen, most scholarly work has been done on Ottoman military recruitment, logistics and war financing, all of which involve the – voluntary or involuntary – participation of the subjects. For the present study this emphasis on societal factors has been an advantage, for we are here concerned with warfare as simply one way among others of relating to the outside world. At the same time, research on the societal ramifications of Ottoman warfare has not, at least in the present author’s opinion, yet gone far enough. Given the sometimes rather full documentation, for instance in the kadi registers, on wartime taxation and coerced services, it should be possible to study in considerable detail the reactions of Ottoman townsmen in the face of the state’s wartime demands. 102 Research is more difficult where the peasantry is concerned, but possibly some information can ultimately be teased out of the surviving archival material, at least with respect to the eighteenth century. 103 In addition, the study of civilian reactions to warfare must be supplemented by a closer investigation of what happened to those people who actually went on
118 ~ THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE AND THE WORLD AROUND IT ~ campaign. That we still know so little about the fates of Ottoman prisoners of war in the hands of the Habsburgs, and almost nothing about those who ended up in Russia, forms but one aspect of a much more general ignorance. A concerted effort will be needed to close these gaps in the future, and the following chapter will set out what little we know at present and suggest possible avenues of research.
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~ THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE ~ AND THE WORL
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~ The Ottoman Empire and the World
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~ Table of contents List of illustr
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~ CONTENTS ~ VII to slave: 124 ~ Th
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~ List of illustrations 1. Helmet a
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~ Acknowledgements Many colleagues
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1 ~ Introduction In a sense, this s
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~ INTRODUCTION ~ 3 case of Venice,
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~ INTRODUCTION ~ 5 twentieth centur
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~ INTRODUCTION ~ 7 we must keep in
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~ INTRODUCTION ~ 9 After all, we al
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~ INTRODUCTION ~ 11 Throughout the
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~ Who, in which period, formed part
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~ INTRODUCTION ~ 15 Thus, in a worl
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~ INTRODUCTION ~ 17 important trade
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~ INTRODUCTION ~ 19 group. But for
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~ INTRODUCTION ~ 21 the style to wh
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~ INTRODUCTION ~ 23 annexation of t
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~ INTRODUCTION ~ 25 Was there even
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2 ~ On sovereignty and subjects: ex
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~ ON SOVEREIGNTY AND SUBJECTS ~ 29
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8. A visit of the Ottoman ambassado
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~ Bibliography The comments which f
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222 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ Binark, Ismet
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224 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ Evliya Çelebi
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226 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ [Papa Synadino
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228 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ (17.) Jahrhund
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230 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ Anderson, Soni
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232 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ Belting, Hans
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234 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ Chagniot, Jean
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236 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ Deringil, Seli
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238 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ Faroqhi, Surai
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240 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ Goffman, Danie
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242 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ Hagen, Gottfri
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244 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ Geschichtsschr
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246 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ Kafadar, Cemal
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248 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ Kunt, Metin (1
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250 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ Maxim, Mihai (
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252 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ Ottoman-Portug
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254 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ Preto, Paolo (
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256 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ Schulze, Winfr
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258 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ (London and Ne
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260 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ Tahta Çıkı
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262 ~ BIBLIOGRAPHY ~ ennes und Libr
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264 ~ NOTES TO PAGES 8-20 ~ 23 Goff
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266 ~ NOTES TO PAGES 32-43 ~ 20 Hie
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268 ~ NOTES TO PAGES 54-68 ~ 111 Ab
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270 ~ NOTES TO PAGES 79-89 ~ 16 Yav
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272 ~ NOTES TO PAGES 98-106 ~ 4 ~ T
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274 ~ NOTES TO PAGES 116-28 ~ 94 Ib
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276 ~ NOTES TO PAGES 138-44 ~ 11 Da
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278 ~ NOTES TO PAGES 151-62 ~ 97 Ha
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280 ~ NOTES TO PAGES 172-86 ~ 48 An
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282 ~ NOTES TO PAGES 198-217 ~ 69 I
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284 ~ INDEX ~ Bitlis, 113 Black Sea
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286 ~ INDEX ~ Gritti, Ludovico/Alvi
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288 ~ INDEX ~ of Dubrovnik, 90, 131
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290 ~ INDEX ~ exported from the Ott
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