Generation XXX

Generation XXX 

Pornography Acceptance and 

Use Among Emerging Adults 

Jason S. Carroll 

Laura M. Padilla-Walker 

Larry J. Nelson 

Chad D. Olson 

Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah 

Carolyn McNamara Barry 

Loyola College in Maryland, Baltimore 

Stephanie D. Madsen 

McDaniel College, Westminster, Maryland 

Journal of Adolescent 

Research 

Volume 23 Number 1 

January 2008 6-30 

© 2008 Sage Publications 

10.1177/0743558407306348 

http://jar.sagepub.com 

hosted at 

http://online.sagepub.com 

This study examined correlates of pornography acceptance and use within a normative 

(nonclinical) population of emerging adults (individuals aged 18–26). 

Participants included 813 university students (500 women; M age = 20 years) 

recruited from six college sites across the United States. Participants completed 

online questionnaires regarding their acceptance and use of pornography, as well 

as their sexual values and activity, substance use, and family formation values. 

Results revealed that roughly two thirds (67% ) of young men and one half (49%) 

of young women agree that viewing pornography is acceptable, whereas nearly 9 

out of 10 (87%) young men and nearly one third (31%) of young women reported 

using pornography. Results also revealed associations between pornography 

acceptance and use and emerging adults’risky sexual attitudes and behaviors, substance 

use patterns, and nonmarital cohabitation values. The discussion considers 

the implications of pornography use during the transition to adulthood. 

Keywords: pornography; emerging adulthood; sexually explicit material; 

risk behaviors 

Pornography is becoming a prevalent part of life in the United States and 

in many countries around the world. Sex is reported to be the most 

Authors’ Note: Address correspondence to Dr. Jason S. Carroll, 2057 Joseph F. Smith Building, 

School of Family Life, Brigham Young University, Provo UT 84602; e-mail: jcarroll@byu.edu. 

6

Carroll et al. / Pornography and Emerging Adulthood 7 

frequently searched topic on the Internet (Cooper, Delmonico, & Burg, 

2000), with pornographic search-engine requests totaling approximately 68 

million per day (25% of total search-engine requests). Although exact 

figures are difficult to ascertain, recent reports estimate that approximately 

40 million adults in the United States regularly visit Internet pornography 

sites; in terms of economic impact, the pornography industry annually generates 

an estimated $100 billion dollars worldwide, with over $13 billion in 

revenue from the United States (Ropelato, 2007). 

The proliferation of pornography in the current lives of Americans is 

undoubtedly linked to the changing technological context of modern 

society. The extensive availability of personal computers (beginning in 

1982–1985), the subsequent widespread access to the Internet (beginning in 

1995), and the advent of pay-per-view home movies (beginning in 1990–1995) 

have changed the technological context for accessing pornography (Buzzell, 

2005a). Cooper and colleagues (2000) suggest that these technological 

advances have created a “triple-A engine” that fuels an increased trend of 

pornography consumption, referring to the increased accessibility (millions 

of pornographic websites are available 24 hours a day, 7 days a week), affordability 

(competition on the Internet keeps prices low, and there are a host of 

ways to get free pornography), and anonymity of sexually explicit materials 

(in the privacy of one’s own home, people perceive their accessing of pornography 

to be anonymous). These technological changes make questions about 

pornography particularly relevant to young people, who are coming of age in 

a context where computers and Internet access are ubiquitous in households 

and college campuses across America. Emerging adulthood (18–25 years) 

may be a time of particular interest because it is a period that is characterized 

by exploration in the areas of sexuality, romantic relationships, identity, and 

values, as well increased participation in risk behaviors (Arnett, 2006). 

Despite the documented increase of pornography during the last decade 

and its near-mainstream status in American culture, little attention has been 

given to the topic in leading research journals. For example, a targeted database 

search (using the PsychInfo database) of the top five adolescent journals, 

the top five developmental journals, and the top five family journals since 1995 

reveals that only one article has been published reporting on a study where 

pornography was a primary focus (Cameron et al., 2005) and only two articles 

where pornography was investigated as an issue of minor or secondary interest 

(Wang, Bianchi, & Raley, 2005; Young-Ho, 2001). Given this lack of attention 

in leading journals, little is known about the correlates and outcomes of 

pornography use in regard to individual development and family formation 

patterns. There is a growing literature on pornography in specialty journals

8 Journal of Adolescent Research 

that address sexuality and the clinical treatment of sexual disorders, but 

these studies typically utilize nonnormative samples and rarely address core 

developmental processes and outcomes. 

For this project, pornography was defined as media used or intended to 

increase sexual arousal. Such material generally portrays images of nudity and 

depictions of sexual behaviors. Researchers have labeled this class of media 

using terms such as sexually explicit materials (Goodson, McCormick, & Evans, 

2001), erotica (Zillmann, 1994), and online sexual activity (Cooper et al., 2000). 

The purpose of this study was to examine levels of pornography use and 

acceptance among a normative sample of emerging adults (aged 18 to 26) in 

the United States and to compare usage rates across age cohorts within this 

developmental period. Analyses were conducted to investigate how patterns of 

pornography acceptance and use were associated with emerging adults’ sexual 

attitudes and behaviors, substance use patterns, and family formation values. 

These dependent variables were selected to investigate issues of importance to 

current functioning during emerging adulthood and future family formation. 

Pornography Literature 

A review of the scholarly research addressing pornography reveals a 

diverse literature that spans nearly 50 years. However, much of this literature 

is dated, in that it predates the current technological context of pornography 

(Buzzell, 2005a). Also, much of the existing literature is of limited 

use for our purposes here because it focuses on issues related to criminology 

and the clinical treatment of sexual compulsions rather than use among 

normative populations. Beginning as early as the 1970s and 1980s, scholars 

have investigated potential links between pornography and criminal 

behaviors such as violence and aggression (Allen, D’Alessio, & Brezgel, 

1995), sexual offenses (Bauserman, 1996), and child pornography (Quayle 

& Taylor, 2003). Although meta-analytic studies have frequently documented 

a link between pornography exposure and increased criminal and 

deviant behavior (Allen et al., 1995; Oddone-Paolucci, Genuis, & Violato, 

2000), inconsistent findings and limitations in the research have created 

divergent perspectives and an ongoing debate among scholars about the 

effects of pornography exposure on the subsequent behavior of individuals. 

Clinical research on pornography has increased in recent years as mental 

health professionals across disciplines have reported a marked increase 

in the number of clients seeking treatment for sexually addictive problems 

related to pornography (Mitchell, Becker-Blease, & Finkelhor, 2005).


Using clinical samples, this line of research has begun to identify potential links 

between pornography compulsion and individual problems (Philaretou, 

Mahfouz, & Allen, 2005) and potential couple dynamics (R. M. Bergner & 

Bridges, 2002). Although criminal and clinical research studies examine a 

number of unique questions, they are typically based on nonnormative 

samples with existing disorders and are fairly limited in scope, in that they 

address only extremes of pornography addiction, psychopathology, and 

criminal behavior. We focus our review here on research that has been done 

with normative samples and that addresses correlates and outcomes of 

pornography use and acceptance among emerging adults. 

A small number of studies have examined pornography use in the general 

population (Cooper, Delmonico, Griffin-Shelly, & Mathy, 2004; Cooper et al., 

2000; Cooper, Galbreath, & Becker, 2004; Cooper, Putnam, Planchon, & 

Boies, 1999) and have found that pornography use is highest among individuals 

aged 18–25 (Buzzell, 2005b). Research conducted to date suggests that 

approximately 50% of college students report viewing pornography on the 

Internet (Boies, 2002; Goodson et al., 2001). Goodson and colleagues (2001) 

examined Internet pornography use among 506 college students and found 

that 56% of men and 35% of women reported using the Internet for sex-related 

information. Boies (2002) examined Internet pornography use among 1,100 

university students and found that 72% of men and 24% of women reported 

using the Internet to view pornography, with 11% of users viewing sexually 

explicit materials once a week or more. Furthermore, those who reported 

greater exposure to pornography were more likely to be sexually experienced, 

report lower sexual anxiety, and have a higher number of sexual partners 

(Morrison, Harriman, Morrison, Bearden, & Ellis, 2004). 

In addressing the question of what motivates college students to participate 

in pornography use on the Internet, Goodson et al. (2001) found that 

30% of users reported accessing sexually explicit materials on the Internet 

out of curiosity, 19% to become sexually aroused, and 13% as a means of 

enhancing their offline sexual encounters. Boies (2002) found that a majority 

(82%) reported that viewing sexually explicit material online was sexually 

arousing, 40% reported that it satisfied curiosity, and 63% reported that 

they learned new sexual techniques. Although there is a disparity between 

the primary motivations for pornography use between these two studies, it 

is clear that becoming sexually aroused and fulfilling curiosity are salient 

motivations for Internet pornography use among emerging adults. Research 

also suggests that emerging adults’ use of sexually explicit materials online 

is primarily a solitary activity, with 35% of users reporting the use of 

Internet pornography while alone, 18% with offline partners, and 15% in a


group context (Goodson et al., 2001). This finding is further supported by 

research suggesting that 83% of young men and 55% of young women 

reported masturbating while viewing pornography (Boies, 2002). 

Although men of all ages overwhelmingly report greater pornography 

use than do women, Boies (2002) found that in younger samples, women 

viewed pornographic material at a higher proportion to males (3:1) than in 

older samples (6:1). Furthermore, Goodson et al. (2001) examined the emotional 

correlates of pornography use among college students and found few 

gender differences in reports of arousal in response to sexually explicit 

materials. Goodson and colleagues suggested that the use of sexually 

explicit material on the Internet is a valued activity for women and provides 

a safe medium through which women can explore their sexuality. 

Focus of the Study 

Existing studies provide some insight into the pornography patterns of 

emerging adults and some of the reasons behind their use of pornography, 

but there continue to be unanswered questions regarding how pornography 

might be associated with salient developmental features of emerging adulthood. 

For example, there is little research examining correlates of pornography 

use with variables other than sexual attitudes and behaviors, such as 

substance use and family formation values. Given that emerging adults 

appear to be using pornography as much or more than any other age group 

and may also have more aspects of their lives in transition than do other age 

groups (Arnett, 2006), it is important to understand how pornography use 

during this developmental period might be related to other values and 

behaviors that are important for positive development. 

This study was designed to examine how pornography use and acceptance 

are associated with emerging adults’ sexual attitudes and behaviors, substance 

use patterns, and family formation values. Dependent variables were selected 

to investigate issues of importance to current functioning during emerging 

adulthood and future family formation. For example, family scholars have 

found certain premarital behaviors, such as permissive sexuality (Heaton, 

2002; Kahn & London, 1991; Larson & Holman, 1994; Teachman, 2003) 

and nonmarital cohabitation (DeMaris & Rao, 1992; Dush, Cohan, & 

Amato, 2003; Kline et al., 2004), to be associated with less marital stability 

in future marriages. Conversely, sexuality (Lefkowitz & Gillen, 2006) 

and substance use patterns (Schulenberg & Zarrett, 2006) are more 

commonly examined arenas of exploration and experimentation during


emerging adulthood. This study was designed to address two primary 

research questions: 

Question 1: What are the levels of acceptance and use of pornography among 

emerging adults, and how do these patterns vary across age cohorts within this 

developmental period? 

Question 2: To what extent are levels of pornography acceptance and use associated 

with sexuality, substance use, and family formation patterns in emerging adulthood? 

Furthermore, this study was designed to address five limitations that 

exist in pornography research to date: 

Limitation 1: Findings suggest that the use of one medium of media to access 

pornography (i.e., the Internet) is highly correlated with the use of other forms 

of pornography use, such as reading pornographic magazines and viewing 

videotapes (Goodson et al., 2001) as well as going to offline public venues to 

view pornographic entertainment (Boies, 2002). Thus, focusing solely on 

Internet pornography likely results in an underestimation of the frequency of 

pornography use among emerging adults, especially when considering that adolescents 

and emerging adults report using offline pornography more frequently 

than online pornography (Boies, 2002; Ybarra & Mitchell, 2005). Thus, the current 

study examined overall pornography use across media in an attempt to 

obtain a more accurate understanding of the frequency of pornography use. 

Limitation 2: Our review of the literature revealed that results are mixed in regard 

to the frequency of pornography use (ranging from 40%–90%) and the correlates 

of this behavior among emerging adults. These inconsistencies are likely the 

result of (a) past researchers not examining men and women separately in their 

analyses and (b) their utilizing small samples, typically recruited from a single 

university location. In an attempt to obtain a more representative sample, data 

from the current study were gathered from six geographically diverse universities 

across the United States, and all analyses were separately computed for 

emerging adult men and women. 

Limitation 3: Scholars examining correlates of pornography use have rarely controlled 

for other variables that may be affecting the relationship between pornography 

use and other behaviors, thereby posing a threat to the validity of the 

findings and to the inferences made from them. For example, although scholars 

have explored links between religiosity and pornography use (Goodson, 

McCormick, & Evans, 2000), studies rarely control for religiosity when investigating 

the affects of pornography. Without these control variables, scholars 

cannot rule out plausible alternative explanations for their findings. Controlled 

analyses are particularly needed when examining links between pornography 

use and risk behavior or sexual activity because the observed relation may be 

due to a third variable, such as impulsivity (see Peter & Valkenburg, 2006) or


relationship status (A. J. Bergner, Bergner, & Hesson-Mcinnis, 2003). To minimize 

the likelihood of identifying spurious correlations, all analyses in this study controlled 

for the religiosity, impulsivity, age, and relationship status of the participants. 

Limitation 4: Much of the existing literature on pornography use is limited in value 

because the researchers measured usage patterns with personally defined 

response codes (e.g., never, seldom, sometimes, often) rather than temporally 

based response codes that provide actual frequencies of use (e.g., weekly, every 

other day, daily). To better ascertain frequency patterns, this study measured 

pornography use with a temporally based response pattern. 

Limitation 5: Finally, many pornography studies only look at patterns of pornography 

use but do not simultaneously investigate rates of acceptance of pornography, 

whether personally used or not. Studying values related to pornography 

may be a critical addition to the literature, in that it allows scholars to look at 

how widely accepted pornography use is among certain developmental cohorts 

and to identify the degree to which this behavior is condoned or condemned by 

one’s peers. The study of values related to pornography may be particularly beneficial 

in the study of couple formation patterns where men’s and women’s usage 

patterns may differ, but acceptance or nonacceptance of a partner’s behavior may 

have implications for relationship dynamics and quality. 

Participants 

Method 

The participants for this study were selected from an ongoing study of 

emerging adults and their parents, entitled Project READY (Researching 

Emerging Adults’ Developmental Years). This project is a collaborative multisite 

study that is being conducted by a consortium of developmental and 

family scholars. The sample that was utilized in the current study consisted 

of 813 undergraduate and graduate students (500 women, 313 men) recruited 

from six college sites across the country: a small private liberal arts college 

and a medium-sized religious university on the East Coast, two large 

Midwestern public universities, a large religious university in the intermountain 

West, and a large public university on the West Coast. Participants ranged 

in age from 18 to 26, with the mean age being 20.0 years (SD = 1.84). 

Overall, 79% of the participants were European American, 4% were African 

American, 9% were Asian American, 3% were Latino American, and 5% 

indicated that they were “mixed/biracial” or of an other ethnicity. Furthermore, 

96% reported that their sexual preference was heterosexual, 2% 

reported a homosexual preference, and another 2% reported a bisexual preference. 

Study participants reported a variety of religious affiliations: Roman


Catholic, 35.1%; conservative Christian, 16.6%; liberal Christian, 16.0%; 

Latter-day Saint (Mormon), 2.9%; other faiths (e.g., Jewish, Greek Orthodox, 

Muslim), 3.2%; atheist/agnostic, 7.9%; and no affiliation, 9.5%. All of the participants 

were unmarried (6.3% cohabiting with a partner in an intimate relationship), 

and 90% reported living outside their parents’ home in an 

apartment, house, or dormitory. 

Procedure 

Participants completed the Project READY questionnaire via the Internet 

(see http://www.projectready.net). The use of an online data collection protocol 

facilitated unified data collection across multiple university sites and 

allowed for the survey to be administered to emerging adults and their parents, 

who were living in separate locations throughout the country (parent data were 

not used in the current study). Participants were recruited through faculty 

announcement of the study in undergraduate and graduate courses. Professors 

at the various universities were provided with a handout to give to their 

students that had a brief explanation of the study, as well as directions for 

accessing the online survey. Interested students then accessed the study Web 

site with a location-specific recruitment code. Informed consent was obtained 

online, and only after consent was given could the participants begin the questionnaires. 

Each participant was asked to complete a survey battery of 448 

items. Sections of the survey addressed areas such as background information, 

family-of-origin experiences, self-perceptions, personality traits, values, risk 

behaviors, dating behaviors, prosocial behaviors, and religiosity. The survey 

also assessed attitudes and behaviors pertaining to couple formation, such as 

cohabitation, sexuality, and interpersonal competencies. Most participants 

were offered course credit or extra credit for their participation. In some cases 

(approximately 5%), participants were offered small monetary compensation 

(i.e., $10–$20 gift certificates) for their participation. 

Measures 

For the current study, we examined associations between emerging 

adults’ reports of their acceptance and use of pornography and their attitudes 

and behaviors related to potential risk behaviors (i.e., sexuality and 

substance use) and family formation values. 

Pornography acceptance and use. Two items were used to measure participants’ 

levels of acceptance and use of pornography. Acceptance of


pornography was measured by asking respondents how much they agreed 

with the statement “Viewing pornographic material (such as magazines, 

movies, and/or Internet sites) is an acceptable way to express one’s sexuality.” 

Responses were recorded on a 6-point scale ranging from 1 (very 

strongly disagree) to 6 (very strongly agree). To assess pornography use, 

emerging adults were asked the question, “How frequently do you view 

pornographic material (such as magazines, movies, and/or Internet sites)?” 

Responses for this item were measured on a 6-point scale ranging from 0 

to 5 (0 = none, 1 = once a month or less, 2 = 2 or 3 days a month, 3 = 1 or 

2 days a week, 4 = 3 to 5 days a week, 5 = everyday or almost everyday). 

Risk behaviors. Emerging adults’ sexual permissiveness was measured 

using a two-item scale assessing how much participants agreed or disagreed 

with sexual value statements on a 6-point scale ranging from 1 (very 

strongly disagree) to 6 (very strongly agree). These statements related to 

their personal sexual ethics regarding premarital sexual relations (“It is all 

right for a man and woman to have sexual relations before marriage”) and 

uncommitted sexual relations (“It is all right for two people to get together 

for sex and not necessarily expect anything further”). Preliminary analyses 

found that this scale had strong internal consistency (emerging adult men, 

α=.84; emerging adult women, α=.84) and that, on average, emerging 

adult men (M = 3.92, SD = 1.36) reported higher levels of sexual permissiveness 

than did emerging adult women (M = 3.51, SD = 1.35). 

Participants’ agreement with extramarital sexuality was assessed with a single 

item (“It is all right for a married person to have sexual relations with 

someone other than his/her spouse”): emerging adult men, M = 1.36, SD = 

.78; emerging adult women, M = 1.22, SD = .67. Two items were used to 

assess participants’ sexual behavior. Open-response questions asked emerging 

adults to report the number of sexual partners that they have had in their 

lifetime (emerging adult men, M = 3.10, SD = 6.17; emerging adult women, 

M = 2.51, SD = 4.01) and within the last 12 months (emerging adult men, 

M = 1.19, SD = 1.70; emerging adult women, M = .97, SD = 1.29). 

Emerging adults reported their frequency of substance use using a fiveitem 

scale assessing alcohol consumption, binge drinking (i.e., drinking 4 

or 5 drinks or more in one occasion), cigarette smoking, marijuana use, and 

their use of other illegal drugs (e.g., cocaine, heroin, crystal meth, mushrooms). 

Responses were reported using a 6-point scale ranging from 0 to 5 

(0 = none, 1 = once a month or less, 2 = 2 or 3 days a month, 3 = 1 or 2 

days a week, 4 = 3 to 5 days a week, 5 = everyday or almost everyday). 

Preliminary analyses found that this scale had good internal consistency


(emerging adult men, α=.76; emerging adult women, α=.76) and that, on 

average, emerging adult men (M = 1.19, SD = .96) reported higher levels of 

substance use than did emerging adult women (M = .86, SD = .76). 

Family formation values. Emerging adults’ values regarding family formation 

practices were assessed in the areas of nonmarital cohabitation and childbearing, 

marriage ideals, and views of parenting. Participants’ endorsement of 

cohabitation was measured using a six-item scale measured on a 6-point scale 

ranging from 1 (very strongly disagree) to 6 (very strongly agree). Value statements 

included in this scale included “It is all right for a couple to live together 

without planning to get married,” “It is all right for an unmarried couple to live 

together as long as they have plans to marry,” “Living together before marriage 

will improve a couple’s chances of remaining happily married,” “A couple will 

likely be happier in their marriage if they live together first,” “It is a good idea 

for a couple to live together before getting married as a way of ‘trying out’ their 

relationship,” and “Living together first is a good way of testing how workable 

a couple’s marriage would be.” Preliminary analyses found that this scale had 

very strong internal consistency (emerging adult men, α=.94; emerging adult 

women, α=.93) and that, on average, emerging adult men (M = 3.75, SD = 

1.21) reported higher levels of endorsement of cohabitation than did emerging 

adult women (M = 3.39, SD = 1.17). Participant’s agreement with out-of-wedlock 

childbirth was assessed with a single item (“I would personally consider 

having a child out-of-wedlock”) measured on a 6-point scale ranging from 1 

(very strongly disagree) to 6 (very strongly agree). Preliminary analyses found 

that, on average, emerging adult men (M = 2.24, SD = 1.23) and women (M = 

2.13, SD = 1.20) hold similar views on this approach to family formation. 

Carroll and colleagues (2007) have proposed that emerging adults develop 

a marital horizon, or marriage philosophy, that comprises at least three interconnected 

factors—marital importance, desired marital timing, and criteria for 

marriage readiness. Three items measured on a 6-point scale ranging from 1 

(very strongly disagree) to 6 (very strongly agree) were used to measure participants’ 

ideals for marriage in these three domains. One measured participants’ 

agreement to value statements regarding marital importance (“Being 

married is a very important goal for me”), emerging adult men, M = 3.77, 

SD = 1.31; emerging adult women, M = 3.44, SD = 1.35. The next assessed 

participant’s desired age for marriage (“What is the ideal age (in years) for an 

individual to get married?”), emerging adult men, M = 25.4 years old, SD = 

2.12; emerging adult women, M = 24.8 years old, SD = 1.83. A third item 

assessed desires for spousal independence in marital finances (“In marriage, 

it is a good idea for each spouse to maintain control over his/her personal


finances”), emerging adult men, M = 3.78, SD = 1.36; emerging adult 

women, M = 3.65, SD = 1.35. A three-item scale using the agreement 

responses mentioned previously was used to measure participants’ degree 

of child-centeredness, or positive appraisal of becoming a parent in the 

future. The three items were “Having children is a very important goal for 

me,” “Being a father and raising children is one of the most fulfilling experiences 

a man can have,” and “Being a mother and raising children is one 

of the most fulfilling experiences a woman can have.” Preliminary analyses 

found that this scale had strong internal consistency (emerging adult men, 

α=.86; emerging adult women, α=.84) and that, on average, emerging 

adult men (M = 4.83, SD = 1.08) and emerging adult women (M = 4.89, 

SD = .91) had similarly high levels of child-centeredness. 

Results 

The analyses for this study were conducted in a sequential format to test 

the two research questions detailed previously. Because of historical gender 

differences in the several variables measured—including average median 

age at marriage, sexual behaviors, and substance use—analyses were run 

separately for emerging adult men and women. 

Question 1: What are the levels of acceptance and use of pornography among 

emerging adults, and how do these patterns vary across age cohorts within this 

developmental period? 

Frequency levels of emerging adults’ acceptance and use of pornography 

were calculated for men and women (see Table 1). These analyses revealed 

that emerging adult men accepted and used pornography more frequently 

than did emerging adult women, although these differences were more pronounced 

in usage patterns. Two thirds (66.5%) of emerging adult men 

reported that they agreed, at some level, that viewing pornography is 

acceptable, whereas emerging adult women were evenly split (48.7% agree, 

51.3% disagree) on whether viewing pornography was an acceptable way 

to express one’s sexuality. With regard to actual usage rates of pornography, 

87% of emerging adult men reported using pornography at some level, with 

approximately one fifth reporting daily or every-other-day use (i.e., 3 to 5 

times a week) and nearly half (48.4%) reporting a weekly or more frequent 

use pattern. Women’s usage patterns were markedly different, with about 

one third (31%) reporting pornography use at some level. However, the


majority of emerging adult women using pornography reported a once a 

month or less pattern of usage, and only 3.2% of women reported a use pattern 

of weekly or more. An intriguing pattern surfaced when the data on 

pornography acceptance were transposed on emerging adults’ reported 

usage rates of pornography. For emerging adult men, approximately 1 in 5 

reported that they used pornography but did not believe that it is an acceptable 

behavior, whereas among emerging adult women, approximately 1 in 

5 reported that pornography is acceptable, but they did not personally use 

pornography. 

In the absence of longitudinal data, the best way to ascertain if pornography 

usage and acceptance rates vary across emerging adulthood is to compare 

usage rates across age cohorts within the developmental period. As such, our 

sample was divided into three age cohorts (18- and 19-year-olds, n = 397; 20to 

22-year-olds, n = 337; and 23- to 26-year-olds, n = 79), and MANCOVA 

(multiple analysis of covariance) comparisons were computed on emerging 

adult men’s and women’s usage and acceptance rates of pornography. Because 

previous research has found that risk behaviors typically peak at about age 22 

(Arnett, 2006; Schulenberg & Zarrett, 2006), we included a measure of binge 

drinking (i.e., the item from the Substance Use Scale) in these age comparisons 

to investigate if pornography use followed a similar pattern. 

These analyses revealed that for emerging adult men, there were significant 

differences between the age cohorts on binge-drinking rates but not on 

pornography use or acceptance (MANCOVA: emerging adult men, F = 3.50, 

df = 3, p < .05). In particular, emerging adult men followed the expected 

pattern, with men aged 23 to 26 reporting significantly less (p < .01) binge 

drinking (M = 1.21, SD = 1.26) than their younger counterparts (18- and 19year-olds, 

M = 1.84, SD = 1.47; 20- to 22-year-olds, M = 1.86, SD = 1.42). 

Although slight declines in pornography use and acceptance were found for 

men aged 23 to 26, these differences did not reach statistical significance. 

Emerging adult women followed a similar pattern (MANCOVA: emerging 

adult women, F = 5.08, df = 3, p < .01), with older emerging adults reporting 

significantly less (p < .01) binge drinking behavior (23- to 26-year-olds, M = 

1.07, SD = 1.10) than younger women (18- and 19-year-olds, M = 1.37, SD = 

1.31; 20- to 22-year-olds, M = 1.32, SD = 1.28); however, pornography use 

patterns remained steady across the three groups, and a significant increase 

(p < .01) in the acceptance of pornography was identified between women 

aged 23 to 26 (M = 3.63, SD = 1.20) and women aged 18 or 19 (M = 3.05, 

SD = 1.29). It is interesting to note that although gender differences in pornography 

use remain consistent across the three age cohorts, increases in the 

acceptance of pornography among older emerging adult women place men’s


Table 1 

Acceptance and Use of Pornography Among 

Emerging Adults (in Percentages) 

Emerging Adult Emerging Adult 

Men (n = 313) Women (n = 500) 

Pornography acceptance a 

Very strongly disagree 8.0 14.5 

Strongly disagree 7.4 11.3 

Disagree 18.0 25.5 

Agree 45.3 39.0 

Strongly agree 9.6 6.3 

Very strongly agree 11.6 3.4 

Pornography use b 

None 13.9 69.0 

Once a month or less 16.8 20.7 

2 or 3 days a month 21.0 7.1 

1 or 2 days a week 27.1 2.2 

3 to 5 days a week 16.1 .8 

Everyday or almost every day 5.2 .2 

a. “Viewing pornographic material (such as magazines, movies, and/or Internet sites) is an 

acceptable way to express one’s sexuality.” 

b. “During the past 12 months, on how many days did you view pornographic material (such 

as magazines, movies, and/or Internet sites)?” 

and women’s acceptance of pornography at the same level by the time that 

they reach their mid twenties. 

Question 2: To what extent are levels of pornography acceptance and use associated with 

sexuality, substance use, and family formation patterns in emerging adulthood? 

Three types of analyses were used to investigate the study’s second 

research question. First, partial correlations were calculated to determine 

the direction and strength of the associations between the pornography 

items and the other study variables. Next, to examine specifically how 

pornography use was related to salient features of emerging adulthood, we 

ran a series of group comparison analyses. For emerging adult men, we ran 

a series of MANCOVAs with five pornography use groups: Group A, never 

use (none); Group B, seldom use (once a month or less); Group C, monthly 

use (2 or 3 days a month); Group D, weekly use (1 or 2 days a week); and 

Group E, daily use (3 to 5 days a week or everyday or almost everyday). 

Because of the relatively low usage rates among women, we ran ANOVA


Table 2 

Correlations Between Pornography Variables and Control Variables 

Emerging Adult Emerging Adult 

Men (n = 313) Women (n = 500) 

Pornography Pornography Pornography Pornography 

Control Variables acceptance use acceptance use 

Age .02 .06 .13 ** .08 

Current dating status a .01 –.02 .11 ** .18 *** 

Religiosity b –.39 *** –.30 *** –.44 *** –.20 *** 

Impulsivity c .22 *** –.19 *** .06 .04 

a. Current dating status: 1 = not dating at all, 2 = casual/occasional dating, 3 = have a 

boy/girlfriend (in an exclusive relationship), 4 = engaged, or committed to marry. 

b. Religiosity (“My religious faith is extremely important to me”): 1 = very strongly disagree, 

2 = strongly disagree, 3 = disagree, 4 = agree, 5 = strongly agree, 6 = very strongly disagree. 

c. Impulsivity (two-item scale; emerging adult men, α=.77; emerging adult women, α=.68; 

“Fight with others/lose temper,” “Easily irritated or mad”): 1 = never, 2 = seldom, 3 = sometimes, 

4 = often, 5 = very often. 

** p < .01. *** p < .001. 

comparisons between two groups: nonusers (Group A) and users (Group B) 

of pornography. We also calculated subgroup frequencies on the behavior 

items to further examine patterns of sexuality and substance use. Preliminary 

analyses revealed that age, current dating status, religiosity, and impulsivity 

were all correlated to some degree with pornography use and acceptance, 

with religiosity and impulsivity related to men’s pornography patterns and 

with religiosity, current dating status, and age related to women’s pornography 

patterns (see Table 2). To increase confidence that the associations 

identified between study variables were related to study hypotheses and not 

due to spurious correlations, we included items measuring age, current dating 

status, religiosity, and impulsivity as control variables in all partial correlation 

and group comparison analyses. 

Risk behaviors. As noted in Table 3, pornography use was found to be 

significantly related with emerging adult men’s sexual values and behaviors. 

Partial correlation analyses revealed a small but significant connection 

between pornography use and number of lifetime sexual partners among 

emerging adult men and their acceptance of extramarital sexual behavior. 

Also, the more that men accepted and used pornography, the more likely 

they were to be accepting of premarital and casual sexual behavior. Group 

comparisons revealed that the most distinctive sexual values were found

Table 3 

Correlations and Group Comparisons Between Pornography Variables and Emerging Adult Factors 

20 

Emerging Adult Men (n = 313) Emerging Adult Women (n = 500) 

Pornography Use Pornography Use 

None Seldom Monthly Weekly Daily No Yes 

Accept (r) Use (r) (= a) (= b) (= c) (= d) (= e) Accept (r) Use (r) (= a) (= b) 

Sexual values 

Sexual permissiveness .61*** .34*** 2.64bcde 3.59ade 3.92ae 4.23ab 4.68abc .55*** .15** 3.23b 4.12a Extramarital sexuality .08 .15** 1.07e 1.27 1.34 1.50 1.45a .13** .05 1.20 1.24 

Sexual behavior: With how many partners have you had sexual intercourse? 

“With how many . . .” .09 .11* 1.30e 2.37e 4.25 1.96 5.28ab .19*** .17*** 1.89b 3.75a None 58.1% 28.8 23.1 41.7 22.7 46.4 22.9 

3 or more partners 9.3% 25.0 33.4 25.0 40.9 26.9 46.4 

With how many partners have you had sexual intercourse in the past 12 months? 

“With how many . . .” .02 .06 .63ce 1.04 1.14 1.26 .15 .22*** .09* .85b 1.22a None 67.4% 30.8 27.7 46.4 28.8 50.6 24.2 

3 or more partners 2.3% 9.6 15.4 9.5 22.7 7.7 11.1 

Substance use 

Substance Use Scale .15* .20*** .35bcde 1.14a 1.42a 1.30a 1.38a .28*** .16*** .77b 1.08a Alcohol use 

None 51.2% 19.2 3.1 13.1 7.6 22.4 8.5 

Weekly or more 18.6% 46.2 69.2 60.7 60.6 38.8 47.1 

Binge drinking 

None 69.8% 26.9 15.4 27.4 22.7 46.2 24.8 

Weekly or more 11.6% 32.7 49.2 46.4 51.5 22.9 29.4 

Note: Controlling for age, dating status, religiosity, and impulsivity. Alphabetic superscripts indicate significant group mean differences at the p < .05 level. 

*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.


among the emerging adult men who never used pornography and reported 

markedly more conservative sexual values than their pornography using 

peers and among men who used pornography on a daily basis who reported 

the most liberal sexual values (MANCOVA: emerging adult men, F = 5.99, 

df = 5, p < .001). The daily users had, on average, nearly 5 times more lifetime 

sexual partners than nonusers had, and the majority of nonusers 

reported that they had not had sexual intercourse. Among emerging adult 

women, pornography acceptance and use were found to be related to sexual 

values and sexual behaviors, with pornography acceptance being a stronger 

correlate of these variables than actual pornography use. Significant group 

differences were found on all sexual variables (p < .001) except agreement 

with extramarital sexual behavior. Emerging adult women who accepted 

and used pornography were found to have significantly higher levels of 

acceptance of casual sexual behavior and to report higher numbers of 

sexual partners within the last 12 months and across their lifetimes. 

As noted in Table 3, pornography use and acceptance were also found to 

be significantly correlated with emerging adults’ substance use patterns. 

Specifically, pornography acceptance and use were correlated significantly 

with men’s substance use patterns. Comparisons of subgroup frequencies 

revealed that emerging adult men who did not use pornography had 

markedly lower levels of drinking and binge drinking than did their counterparts, 

who used pornography on a regular basis. Similar but more pronounced 

patterns were found among emerging adult women, among whom, 

pornography use and acceptance were found to be significantly correlated 

with higher substance use. Group comparisons documented that these differences 

were statistically significant (p < .01) between emerging adult 

women who used pornography and those who did not. 

Family formation values. As noted in Table 4, pornography acceptance 

was found to be significantly related to young people’s values and approaches 

to family formation; however, pornography use patterns had little correlation 

with these variables. Emerging adult men and women who were more 

accepting of pornography were also more accepting of nonmarital cohabitation, 

but only women who accepted pornography were found to be more 

likely to consider having a child out of wedlock. No correlations were 

found between pornography acceptance and emerging adult men’s and 

women’s goals for marriage. However, acceptance of pornography was 

found to be significantly correlated with desires for later marriage, financial 

independence between spouses within marriage, and lower levels of 

child-centeredness for emerging adult men and women. Similar to the

22 

Table 4 

Correlations and Group Comparisons Between Pornography Variables and Family Formation Values 

Emerging Adult Men (n = 313) Emerging Adult Women (n = 500) 

Pornography Use Pornography Use 

None Seldom Monthly Weekly Daily No Yes 

Accept (r) Use (r) (= a) (= b) (= c) (= d) (= e) Accept (r) Use (r) (= a) (= b) 

Nonmarital cohabitation and childbearing 

Endorsement of .41*** .11 3.11de 3.45d 3.70 4.13ab 4.08a .37*** .04 3.24b 3.71a cohabitation 

Out-of-wedlock childbirth .07 .06 1.82 e 2.27 2.19 2.33 2.45a .21*** .05 1.99b 2.42a Marriage and parenting 

“Being married is a very .06 –.02 5.08 4.76 4.86 4.52 4.49 –.08 –.03 4.96 4.93 

important goal for me.” 

Ideal age for marriage .15** .09 24.8e 25.0 25.3 26.0a 25.7 .13** .08 24.7 b 25.1a (in years) 

Spousal independence .17*** .03 3.58 3.51 3.70 3.76 3.66 .14*** .01 3.73 3.81 

Child-centeredness –.15** .01 5.01 4.86 4.87 4.84 4.81 –.13** –.06 4.97b 4.72a Note: Controlling for age, dating status, religiosity, and impulsivity. Alphabetic superscripts indicate significant group mean differences at the 

p < .05 level. 

**p < .01. ***p < .001.


analyses involving the sexuality and substance use variables, group comparison 

analyses revealed that much of the variance in these correlations 

was attributed to the more traditional views of nonpornography using men 

(MANCOVA: F = 6.20, df = 6, p < .001) and women (four of six comparisons, 

p < .001) and their peers who used pornography. 

Discussion 

The current study examined levels of pornography use and acceptance 

among emerging adults in the United States. Comparisons were made 

between early (18- and 19-year-olds), middle (20- to 22-year-olds), and late 

emerging adults (23- to 26-year-olds). Additional analyses were conducted 

to see if patterns of pornography acceptance and use were correlated with 

sexual attitudes and behaviors, substance use patterns, and family formation 

values among emerging adults. Results suggest that pornography is a 

prominent feature of the current emerging adulthood culture. Pornography 

use was particularly prevalent among emerging adult men, with nearly half 

reporting that they viewed pornography at least weekly and about 1 in 5 

reporting that they used pornography daily or every other day. In contrast, 

emerging adult women were less accepting and much less likely to use 

pornography on a frequent basis. Given the lack of attention to pornography 

habits in the leading developmental, adolescent, and family journals, 

these findings raise a number of questions for scholars about how intentional 

exposure to sexually explicit material may influence the developmental 

patterns of the rising generation in the United States. We organize 

our discussion of these findings around gender differences in pornography 

patterns, perspectives on pornography as young people transition in and out 

of emerging adulthood, and considerations of how pornography may influence 

couple formation during and after emerging adulthood. 

Gender Differences in Pornography Patterns 

Perhaps the most notable finding of this study was the marked difference 

in pornography use and acceptance among emerging adult men and emerging 

adult women in our sample. These results suggest that pornography use 

is as common as drinking is among college-age men. It also appears that a 

sizable number of emerging adult men “binge” on pornography, with a similar 

frequency and intensity that define binge drinking on American college 

campuses. In fact, the comparison between pornography use and binge


drinking may be justified, in that pornography use was found to be moderately 

correlated with emerging adult men’s frequency of alcohol consumption 

and their rates of binge drinking, even after controlling for a number of 

variables that may be thought to contribute to both of these behaviors (e.g., 

impulsivity, religiosity). Emerging adult women were split when it came to 

the topic of pornography. About half of emerging adult women were 

accepting of pornography use among their peers, but only about 1 in 10 

viewed pornography with any regularity. It may be possible that the measures 

that were utilized in this study influenced this finding, in that they 

assessed visual media of pornography (Internet, magazines, movies) rather 

than narrative-based erotica, which may be more appealing to women. 

However, even with this consideration, the differences between pornography 

use and acceptance among emerging adult men and women form a 

notable finding that requires exploration in future research. 

Another notable finding of this study was that the acceptance of pornography 

was as strongly correlated with emerging adults’ attitudes and behaviors 

as their actual pornography use was (or more so). This finding suggests 

that pornography should be regarded as much as a value stance or a personal 

sexual ethic as it is a behavioral pattern. This may be a particularly 

salient finding for emerging adult women who report higher levels of 

acceptance than actual use of pornography. Furthermore, pornography 

acceptance among women was a stronger correlate with permissive sexuality, 

alcohol use, binge drinking, and cigarette smoking than was actual 

pornography use. For men, the acceptance of pornography was more highly 

correlated with their sexual attitudes and family formation values than was 

pornography use. These findings highlight that scholars need to define 

pornography in terms of both values and behavior. 

Transitions in and out of Emerging Adulthood 

In addition to examining the overall usage rates of pornography among 

emerging adults, subanalyses were also run to determine if rates of pornography 

use differed significantly for early, middle, and late emerging adults. 

These analyses identified that the rates of pornography use were relatively 

stable across emerging adulthood. These patterns also suggest that pornography 

patterns are established during adolescence or are rapidly developed 

in emerging adulthood. The much lower levels of reported pornography use 

among adolescents (Ybarra & Mitchell, 2005) suggest that the latter explanation 

is more plausible, but future research is needed to confirm this possibility. 

The age pattern found in the current study is notable because it


varies from the identified pattern of exploratory behaviors during emerging 

adulthood, which finds that for the majority of the population, most of these 

types of behaviors peak at about age 22 and then decrease from that time forward 

(Schulenberg & Zarrett, 2006). Thus, pornography use may be largely a 

personal pattern that is not as contingent on the peer-centered experimental 

context of emerging adulthood as drinking may be. This possibility is supported 

by research suggesting that pornography use is largely a solitary activity 

(Boies, 2002; Goodson et al., 2001), and it suggests that the solitary nature 

of pornography use may distinguish it from other exploratory behaviors that 

are common during emerging adulthood. The solitary pattern of pornography 

use may contribute to its being more frequently carried over into young adulthood 

than peer-centered experimental behaviors. 

A better understanding of how the transition from emerging adulthood 

to young adult life influences and is influenced by pornography will help 

clarify these processes. A key question in this line of research will be to 

identify whether pornography acceptance and use rates remain similar as 

emerging adults get older or if they change as young people transition into 

adult roles and relationships. For example, our data set included responses 

on the pornography acceptance item from 280 fathers and 343 mothers of 

the emerging adults sampled for this study. A post hoc frequency analysis 

of these responses revealed that only 36.6% of fathers and 20.4% of mothers 

agreed at some level that pornography was an acceptable expression of 

one’s sexuality. By way of comparison, emerging adults were much more 

accepting of pornography than their parents were, with daughters even 

reporting more acceptance (48.7%) than their fathers. Longitudinal 

research is needed to determine if this pattern reflects a life course trajectory, 

with acceptance of pornography decreasing as individuals move into 

adulthood, or if this pattern reflects a generational difference, with the rising 

generation being more socialized than previous generations toward 

pornography across the life span. 

Another question that arises from the pornography usage rates identified in 

this study is whether there is a link between the high level of habitual use 

among men across emerging adulthood and the development of addictive and 

compulsive patterns associated with pornography use. At least two alternative 

trajectories seem possible. First, it is possible that the high rates of pornography 

use among the emerging adult men identified in this study simply 

reflect the explorative nature of emerging adulthood and that, similar to 

rates of binge drinking and other risk behaviors that peak during the early 

twenties (Schulenberg & Zarrett, 2006), pornography rates will taper off and 

have few lasting negative effects on development. A second possibility is that


for some young men, habitual use of pornography during adolescence and 

emerging adulthood will act as the genesis for future problematic behaviors. 

Data on binge drinking reflect this type of pattern. Although the majority 

of young people who engage in binge drinking during late adolescence 

and emerging adulthood do not continue these patterns into adult life, there 

is a notable minority (6%–8%) that engage in frequent binge drinking during 

college (Brower, 2002), which may linger through life. Cooper and colleagues 

(Cooper, Delmonico, et al., 2004; Cooper, Galbreath, et al., 2004) 

have developed a typology of pornography use that demonstrates how it 

might affect individuals differently. Specifically, they identify three groups 

of users of online sexual activity: Recreational users are those who access 

online sexual material out of curiosity or for entertainment purposes and are 

not typically seen as having problems associated with their online sexual 

behavior. At-risk users are those who, if it were not for the availability of 

the Internet, may never have developed a problem with online sexuality. 

Finally, sexual compulsive users who, because of a propensity for pathological 

sexual expression, use the Internet as one forum for their sexual 

activities. Therefore, there may be a population of predisposed individuals 

for whom early exposure to pornography can lead to compulsive 

sexual problems. Thus, future studies should examine links between 

common use during adolescence and emerging adulthood and later adult 

patterns, including sexual compulsion. 

Pornography and Couple Formation 

Two findings from this study are of note for research on couple formation 

in emerging adulthood and later adult life. First, pornography was not 

significantly associated with young people’s goals for marriage and parenthood. 

Although pornography users were found to be more accepting of 

nonmarital cohabitation than nonpornography users were, both groups 

shared a mutually high regard for eventually getting married and becoming 

parents. Therefore, pornography use and acceptance should be interpreted 

within a framework that examines how these attitudes and behaviors influence 

young people’s marital competence and family capacities (Carroll, 

Badger, & Yang, 2006). However, it should also be noted that pornography 

use was linked to permissive sexuality and nonmarital cohabitation, two 

variables that have been found to be associated with less marital stability in 

future marriages (Dush, Cohan & Amato, 2003; Heaton, 2002; Kline et al., 

2004). Furthermore, although young people who accept and use pornography 

identify marriage and parenthood as important life goals, it is not


known if pornography influences how young people define marriage. Men 

who used pornography and women who accepted pornography were significantly 

more likely to accept a married person’s having sexual relations 

with someone other than his or her spouse than were their peers who did 

not use or accept pornography. It may be that this finding merely reflects 

the fact that sexually liberal people who endorse nonmarital sexual activity 

are more likely to use pornography as emerging adults. However, future 

research should examine if pornography influences people’s views of the 

ethos of monogamy, which accompanies traditional views of marriage. 

A second finding of note relating to couple formation patterns was the 

identified pattern that roughly half of emerging adult women expressed a 

disapproving view of pornography whereas nearly 9 out of 10 emerging 

adult men reported using pornography to some degree, with nearly half 

viewing pornography on a weekly or more frequent basis. This disparity 

raises a number of questions about couple formation patterns between men 

and women. What happens to men’s and women’s pornography patterns 

when they enter serious romantic relationships? Do men decrease or stop 

their pornography use when they enter a relationship? Do men continue to 

use pornography but do so covertly in an effort to hide their behaviors from 

an unaccepting partner? Do women start or increase their use when they 

become romantically involved with a man who uses pornography? Does a 

new pattern of pornography use arise during the coupling process that shifts 

from individual use to couple use? The answers to these developmental 

questions are not well understood in the pornography literature to date. In 

likelihood, their answers differ from couple to couple, and the patterns that 

emerge likely influence future couple dynamics and outcomes. 

Limitations and Future Directions 

Despite addressing a number of limitations in existing pornography 

research, this study has a number of restrictions that should be considered 

in interpreting these results. First, the sample consists of only college 

students, who may not be representative of the larger population. Indeed, 

Cooper et al. (2000) identified college students as a group that is at risk for 

cybersex compulsion. However, it is not clear whether this is due to their 

age or status as students. Future work is needed using noncollege participants, 

to be confident in the generalizability of these findings. Second, 

despite the fact that the item assessing pornography use had a temporally 

based response code, future research would benefit from more detailed 

measurement of pornography use, assessing it separately across different


contexts (e.g., erotica, Internet pornography use, videos) to determine how 

different media of pornography might be differentially related to outcomes. 

Third, research would benefit from a more detailed examination of acceptance 

of pornography use. The item in the current study assessed general 

acceptance, but it is possible that acceptance would vary if participants 

responded to a temporally based response code (e.g., “Daily pornography 

use is an acceptable way to express one’s sexuality”). This is especially 

salient for women, who may perceive their own minimal use of pornography 

to be acceptable but who may perceive men’s much higher use as being 

less acceptable, particularly, use that is considered habitual. It will also be 

important for future research to examine acceptance in various life periods 

and among relationship statuses (e.g., dating, engaged, married) because 

acceptance of pornography may vary among single, committed, and married 

individuals. Finally, because of the cross-sectional nature of the current 

data, causal inferences could not be made. The age-related trends in the current 

study certainly justify the need for longitudinal data, following individuals 

from adolescence to emerging adulthood to later adult life. Despite 

these limitations, the current study provides a more complete understanding 

of pornography use among a normative (nonclinical) population of 

emerging adult college students and raises a number of important questions 

for future research, including the importance of examining the impact of 

pornography use and acceptance on current functioning during adolescence 

and emerging adulthood and on future couple and family formation. 

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Stephanie D. Madsen, PhD, is an associate professor of psychology at McDaniel College.

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