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Local NGOs in national development: The case of East Timor

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Pearce suggests that CPEs <strong>of</strong> the 1990s are quite different from the conflicts <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Cold war era <strong>in</strong> Central America which arose <strong>in</strong> a context <strong>of</strong> strong and repressive<br />

states and an era <strong>of</strong> state led <strong>development</strong>. More recent CPEs emerged <strong>in</strong> contexts <strong>of</strong><br />

weak states unable to ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> territorial control, <strong>in</strong> an era <strong>of</strong> globalisation and a<br />

reduced role for the state (Pearce 1999:54). <strong>The</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Timor</strong> conflict, emerg<strong>in</strong>g at the<br />

end <strong>of</strong> 1999, was certa<strong>in</strong>ly an eventual outcome <strong>of</strong> the impact <strong>of</strong> global processes <strong>in</strong><br />

Indonesia (the ‘Asian crisis’) (Nyman 2006), but <strong>in</strong> other ways it emerged from a<br />

repressive state context and was about the universal pr<strong>in</strong>ciple <strong>of</strong> self-determ<strong>in</strong>ation.<br />

<strong>The</strong> state, <strong>in</strong>itially very strong, collapsed <strong>in</strong> September 1999, and the UN took over its<br />

role.<br />

However, Pearce argues that peacebuild<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Central America has nevertheless been<br />

negatively affected by the same processes which have led to the 1990s CPEs. In<br />

particular she highlights the failure <strong>of</strong> <strong>national</strong> elites to take responsibility for a more<br />

<strong>in</strong>clusive form <strong>of</strong> <strong>national</strong> <strong>development</strong>, and the persistence <strong>of</strong> now weak states which<br />

reflect elite <strong>in</strong>terests. <strong>The</strong> welfare <strong>of</strong> poorer people has been left to <strong>NGOs</strong> and<br />

<strong>in</strong>ter<strong>national</strong> actors, but rema<strong>in</strong>s aid dependent and hence, unsusta<strong>in</strong>able. Thus donor<br />

support for civil society and local peacebuild<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>itiatives is hav<strong>in</strong>g limited impact <strong>in</strong><br />

the absence <strong>of</strong> strong <strong>national</strong> <strong>development</strong> goals and strategies. Donors also found it<br />

difficult to work with the popular civil society organisations who had mobilised and<br />

empowered people, were sceptical about donor motives, and lacked technical project<br />

management skills. Donors transferred support to new, less politicised <strong>NGOs</strong> who<br />

developed those skills. Divisions between <strong>NGOs</strong> and grassroots groups also emerged<br />

due to the latter’s resentment about the fund<strong>in</strong>g flow<strong>in</strong>g to the former.<br />

Debates <strong>in</strong> the literature about the humanitarian emergency responses to these CPEs<br />

have frequently related to the politics <strong>of</strong> humanitarian <strong>in</strong>tervention, the right to<br />

<strong>in</strong>tervene and the issue <strong>of</strong> sovereignty. <strong>The</strong>y have also focussed on the relationship <strong>of</strong><br />

largely <strong>in</strong>ter<strong>national</strong> humanitarian actors with military actors, issues <strong>of</strong> coord<strong>in</strong>ation,<br />

effectiveness and accountability for the quality <strong>of</strong> the response to a humanitarian crisis,<br />

and issues <strong>of</strong> protection and human rights <strong>in</strong> the response (M<strong>in</strong>ear 2002, Qu<strong>in</strong>n 2002,<br />

40

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