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Conservation Management Plan - Tamworth Borough Council

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From the place name evidence the late 7 th century Tomtun (contemporary with the Staffordshire Hoard) was already<br />

marked out as an important place at that time. We can be more certain that <strong>Tamworth</strong> was a major centre for Mercia<br />

by the late 8 th century. A large number of Mercian charters were witnessed at <strong>Tamworth</strong> between 781 and 857<br />

(Meeson 1979: 17) and the settlement is referred to in terms such as ‘in loco sede regali’ (at the royal seat) in regali<br />

palatio (in the royal palace), in loco celeberrimo (at the most celebrated/splendid place).<br />

All surviving Mercian charters dated to Christmas or Easter are ratified at <strong>Tamworth</strong>, indicating that the Mercian<br />

kings regularly came there for their main Christian festivals, together with many of the important people in the<br />

kingdom, archbishops, bishops, abbots and ealdormen, who acted as witnesses to the charters. Although the<br />

Mercian kings, like their contemporaries in other kingdoms, were peripatetic, staying at royal vills and monastic<br />

sites, Hart (1977: 58, 60) suggest that there was an annual royal progress by the Mercian kings between their major<br />

residences at London and <strong>Tamworth</strong> and that a permanent royal treasury was maintained at <strong>Tamworth</strong>.<br />

<strong>Tamworth</strong> would have comprised a major royal residence or palace, one or more churches, residences for the king’s<br />

reti nue and servants, and industrial and commercial structures to meet their needs. This would not have been a<br />

town, as such as this stage, but a proto, or developing town, where a significant proportion of the population is<br />

engaged in non-agricultural occupations.<br />

The location of the ‘palace’ at <strong>Tamworth</strong> is not known. Traditionally it has been suggested that it might lie within<br />

and beneath the bailey area of the castle overlooking the river Anker (H.M.Taylor 1966). Wainwright carried out a<br />

trial excavation in this area in 1960, but found no evidence of Anglo-Saxon occupation. His excavation records are<br />

incomplete and the work was never published, but the records do survive within the castle archive in Holloway<br />

Lodge. However traces of stratigraphy containing saxo-norman pottery were found during a watching brief, within<br />

the bailey which suggests that early deposits survive beneath the turf of the castle park, which makes this an area<br />

of high archaeological importance.<br />

Bob Meeson suggested that the site of the palace enclosure may have been around the area of St Editha’s<br />

churchyard and extending south of Church street (Fig.1) (Meeson 1979: 22-30). This 1.5ha elevated enclosure<br />

at the centre of the area defined by the defences, may have formed the site of the palace together with one or<br />

more associated churches. Or it could have been entirely ecclesiastical, the site of a monasterium. John Blair has<br />

suggested that ecclesiastical sites which were fixed and permanent, as opposed to the itinerant secular royal<br />

sites, are likely to be the focus for later town development, and certainly provided hospitality to kings during their<br />

progress round their kingdom (Blair J 1996).<br />

The importance of this central enclosure is entirely plausible, lying at the highest point and close to the junction of<br />

the main roads. Was it lying at the heart of an even larger 22ha enclosure, which ran on the same lines as the later<br />

Saxon and medieval defences.<br />

Meeson’s theory has not been tested by excavation or geophysical survey and later burials within the churchyard<br />

are likely to have destroyed traces of any earlier timber buildings. However, there is at least one decorated late<br />

Saxon tomb-stone re-used in the ceiling of the crypt on the south side of St Editha’s.<br />

The Town Defences (Figs 1 & 2)<br />

A large number of sections have been cut across the town defences, but all have been small scale and the sequence<br />

is therefore uncertain. Bob Meeson summarised the known evidence in his dissertation in 1979 (Meeson 1979:<br />

112-120 and this was repeated by Bassett 2008). Meeson suggested four phases, plus an additional two potential<br />

phases. His phase three was a timber fronted rampart and ditch separated from the rampart by a berm. This has<br />

10 th century dating evidence and would fit with Aethelflaed’s Burh defences built in 913. Phase 4 is a re-facing of the<br />

rampart in stone. Phase 5 is refurbishment in 11 th century, with the excavation of a new ditch and rampart, perhaps<br />

coinciding with the construction of the castle. Phase 6 is the silting up of the rampart in the 13 th century, suggesting<br />

that the defence of the settlement is no longer a priority.<br />

Meeson has also identified two earlier phases on the same line which appear to predate the Aethelflaedan rampart<br />

and perhaps belong to Offa’s palace (757-796). The central palace/monasterium enclosure may have been<br />

surrounded by a larger enclosure of 22ha which could have provided accommodation, garrison, industry, trade,<br />

agriculture or a combination of any of these.<br />

<strong>Tamworth</strong> Castle <strong>Conservation</strong> <strong>Management</strong> <strong>Plan</strong> www.marionblockley.co.uk<br />

Part 1<br />

23

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