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stimulate such demand should be one of the aims of a European Security Research<br />

programme, according to the Group of Personalities. Security research is clearly a<br />

technology push area. There has been no analysis of the real needs of public and private<br />

organizations in the security and defence areas. This is even more pressing in the case of<br />

nanotechnology based security technologies, where both the technical characteristics and<br />

the potential applications are still largely undefined.<br />

The Group of Personalities also pointed out that the distinction between military and civil<br />

technologies is becoming less important, and the same technologies can be applied for<br />

both purposes without adaptation (Group of Personalities, 2003). They do not seem to<br />

consider the possibility that such dual use technologies can also be applied by criminals<br />

and terrorists, or regimes which do not respect human rights (as is the case in many<br />

countries in the world today). Currently, there is no European regulation of classified<br />

information used or originating from European funded research (see section 5.2.1<br />

above). This implies that either the security research programme does not lead to results<br />

which are particularly useful for the security sector, or there is an acute risk that the<br />

published results end up in the wrong hands, thereby undermining the security of<br />

European citizens even more.<br />

On a more fundamental level, the disappearance of the boundary between military and<br />

civilian technologies also infringes on academic freedom. Especially in the case of life<br />

sciences, the scientific community is put increasingly under political pressure to limit<br />

openness and take responsibility not only for its own research and the safety and<br />

security of its results, but also to take measures to restrict access to materials and<br />

knowledge by others who may use it for hostile purposes (IAP, 2005). The further<br />

integration of civil and security research may lead to expansion of such precautions and<br />

restrictions of academic freedom, to the detriment of scientific discovery and<br />

technological progress for the benefit of society in areas like nanomedicine,<br />

nanoelectronics, energy and environmental technologies.<br />

Similarly, the existing export restrictions for strategic goods may be expanded to cover<br />

more and more civilian technologies with a potential dual use. This could jeopardise<br />

international trade and world peace and stability.<br />

According to a recent publication of the Rathenau Institute in the Netherlands (Vedder et<br />

al, 2007), in the new millennium, governments in Europe as well as North America have<br />

been establishing regulatory and technological systems aimed at improving security in<br />

their territories man-made disruption to population, infrastructure, environment and food<br />

and water supply. This trend was already set in motion before the terrorist attack of 11<br />

September 2001, but has been intensified since that. As a result, the privacy of citizens<br />

has been eroded further without proper discussion of how privacy and security should be<br />

balanced. The motivation behind the necessity of these measures is mostly lacking.<br />

There is a need for political and public debate, taking into account:<br />

• the cumulative effect of intelligence and security measures;<br />

• advancing digitisation of data files;<br />

• efficacy of security measures;<br />

• greater transparency of national and European procedures for adopting new<br />

security measures.<br />

The closed circles where the debate takes place must be opened up to the general public<br />

(Vedder et al, 2007).<br />

The Rathenau report is playing a role in the political and public debate in the<br />

Netherlands. Some commentators find it too pessimistic regarding the impacts of security<br />

policies and technologies. Also, a large majority of the Dutch public is more concerned<br />

about security than about privacy (Comité 4 en 5 mei, 2007). A similar trend in public<br />

opinion can be observed in other European countries, as discussed below (section 5.4).<br />

51

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