How the Greek debt reorganisation of 2012 changed ... - Allen & Overy
How the Greek debt reorganisation of 2012 changed ... - Allen & Overy
How the Greek debt reorganisation of 2012 changed ... - Allen & Overy
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18 <strong>How</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Greek</strong> <strong>debt</strong> <strong>reorganisation</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>2012</strong> <strong>changed</strong> <strong>the</strong> rules <strong>of</strong> sovereign insolvency – September <strong>2012</strong><br />
The o<strong>the</strong>r objection is that <strong>the</strong> people actually<br />
being deprived, <strong>the</strong> people actually having to<br />
pay, are ultimately not just <strong>the</strong> bondholders. If<br />
we strip aside all <strong>the</strong> veils <strong>of</strong> incorporation, all<br />
<strong>the</strong> fictions <strong>of</strong> legal imagination, <strong>the</strong> real<br />
creditors <strong>of</strong> sovereign <strong>debt</strong>ors are not <strong>the</strong><br />
nominal banks and insurance companies. They<br />
are <strong>the</strong> depositors who put <strong>the</strong>ir money in <strong>the</strong><br />
banks and <strong>the</strong> individuals who have insurance<br />
policies and pensions payable by <strong>the</strong> insurance<br />
companies. It is <strong>the</strong>refore <strong>the</strong> citizen who has<br />
to pay ultimately. This objection is intensified<br />
by <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> average citizen does not<br />
know this is happening and cosily thinks, a<br />
thought mostly not discouraged by politicians,<br />
that somebody else is paying. It hardly seems<br />
right to run our societies on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> this<br />
kind <strong>of</strong> opaque cloaking <strong>of</strong> reality.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> end, <strong>the</strong> bondholders went straight to<br />
<strong>the</strong> end-game, without intermittent steps. On<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, although <strong>the</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
eurozone credits were concessionary, <strong>the</strong><br />
eurozone lenders did not go to <strong>the</strong> end-game<br />
because <strong>the</strong>y wanted to preserve bargaining<br />
power over Greece so as to be able to enforce<br />
austerity policies – <strong>the</strong> famous short-leash<br />
approach. The result is that <strong>the</strong> eurozone<br />
<strong>of</strong>ficial creditors are likely to be <strong>the</strong> next in line<br />
for haircuts or an extension <strong>of</strong> maturities if <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Greek</strong> <strong>debt</strong> continues to be unsustainable.<br />
In mid-<strong>2012</strong>, <strong>the</strong> new bonds were trading at<br />
less than 25c per euro. They had lost more than<br />
three-quarters <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir exchange value. In most<br />
recent sovereign bankruptcies, <strong>the</strong> new bonds<br />
have held <strong>the</strong>ir market value and so <strong>the</strong> collapse<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> price <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new <strong>Greek</strong> bonds was<br />
remarkable. It was probably driven by <strong>the</strong> fact<br />
that <strong>the</strong> outlook for Greece seemed so bleak<br />
that <strong>the</strong> credit ratings <strong>of</strong> Greece remained very<br />
low and this excluded pension funds and<br />
certain o<strong>the</strong>r institutional investors from<br />
holding on to <strong>the</strong> new bonds. The perceived<br />
subordination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new bonds was also not<br />
particularly encouraging.<br />
© <strong>Allen</strong> & <strong>Overy</strong> LLP <strong>2012</strong><br />
11. Contagion risk<br />
The <strong>Greek</strong> bankruptcy involved a major risk <strong>of</strong><br />
contagion prejudicing o<strong>the</strong>r developed<br />
countries in <strong>the</strong> eurozone.<br />
All major insolvencies generate <strong>the</strong> risk that <strong>the</strong><br />
insolvency will spread, not because o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
<strong>debt</strong>ors are bankrupt, but because creditors<br />
suspect that similar <strong>debt</strong>ors are likely to be in a<br />
similar situation to <strong>the</strong> bankrupt. This<br />
contagion risk may also be grounded in <strong>the</strong><br />
reality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> domino or cascade or ripple<br />
insolvency, whereby <strong>the</strong> default <strong>of</strong><br />
counterparties who do not pay results in <strong>the</strong><br />
creditors concerned being, in turn, unable to<br />
pay. Contagion is <strong>the</strong>refore <strong>of</strong>ten a mix <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
imagined and <strong>the</strong> real, illusion and actuality.<br />
This menace <strong>of</strong> spreading sickness was<br />
distinctly observable in <strong>the</strong> crisis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> lesserdeveloped<br />
countries in <strong>the</strong> 1980s and also,<br />
again, in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asian financial crisis in<br />
1998 where <strong>the</strong> near bankruptcy <strong>of</strong> Thailand<br />
spread quickly to o<strong>the</strong>r countries, such as<br />
Malaysia and South Korea. But <strong>the</strong> risk <strong>of</strong><br />
contagion became a fundamentally important<br />
risk in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> Greece, partly because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
fact that developed countries were involved, so<br />
that <strong>the</strong> amounts were extremely large, and<br />
because <strong>the</strong>re seemed to be a threat to <strong>the</strong><br />
second largest currency in <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
At <strong>the</strong> time, <strong>the</strong>re were frequent and<br />
increasingly unconvincing assertions that<br />
Greece was a special case and that Greece was<br />
“ring-fenced”.<br />
The main form <strong>of</strong> ring-fencing was to increase<br />
<strong>the</strong> bailout funds to <strong>the</strong> EFSF but at <strong>the</strong> time<br />
<strong>the</strong> amounts were not sufficiently convincing to<br />
disarm fears about <strong>the</strong> spread <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> risk to<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r countries in <strong>the</strong> eurozone.<br />
The risk <strong>of</strong> contagion was compounded by <strong>the</strong><br />
fact that <strong>the</strong> banking sector was in a bad state.<br />
Banks had been badly hit by <strong>the</strong> bursting <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
property bubble. It was not easy for <strong>the</strong>m to<br />
raise additional capital to replenish <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
existing capital or to satisfy <strong>the</strong> massively<br />
increased capital requirements imposed by<br />
regulators. The inter-bank market was virtually