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How the Greek debt reorganisation of 2012 changed ... - Allen & Overy

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18 <strong>How</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Greek</strong> <strong>debt</strong> <strong>reorganisation</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>2012</strong> <strong>changed</strong> <strong>the</strong> rules <strong>of</strong> sovereign insolvency – September <strong>2012</strong><br />

The o<strong>the</strong>r objection is that <strong>the</strong> people actually<br />

being deprived, <strong>the</strong> people actually having to<br />

pay, are ultimately not just <strong>the</strong> bondholders. If<br />

we strip aside all <strong>the</strong> veils <strong>of</strong> incorporation, all<br />

<strong>the</strong> fictions <strong>of</strong> legal imagination, <strong>the</strong> real<br />

creditors <strong>of</strong> sovereign <strong>debt</strong>ors are not <strong>the</strong><br />

nominal banks and insurance companies. They<br />

are <strong>the</strong> depositors who put <strong>the</strong>ir money in <strong>the</strong><br />

banks and <strong>the</strong> individuals who have insurance<br />

policies and pensions payable by <strong>the</strong> insurance<br />

companies. It is <strong>the</strong>refore <strong>the</strong> citizen who has<br />

to pay ultimately. This objection is intensified<br />

by <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> average citizen does not<br />

know this is happening and cosily thinks, a<br />

thought mostly not discouraged by politicians,<br />

that somebody else is paying. It hardly seems<br />

right to run our societies on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> this<br />

kind <strong>of</strong> opaque cloaking <strong>of</strong> reality.<br />

In <strong>the</strong> end, <strong>the</strong> bondholders went straight to<br />

<strong>the</strong> end-game, without intermittent steps. On<br />

<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, although <strong>the</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

eurozone credits were concessionary, <strong>the</strong><br />

eurozone lenders did not go to <strong>the</strong> end-game<br />

because <strong>the</strong>y wanted to preserve bargaining<br />

power over Greece so as to be able to enforce<br />

austerity policies – <strong>the</strong> famous short-leash<br />

approach. The result is that <strong>the</strong> eurozone<br />

<strong>of</strong>ficial creditors are likely to be <strong>the</strong> next in line<br />

for haircuts or an extension <strong>of</strong> maturities if <strong>the</strong><br />

<strong>Greek</strong> <strong>debt</strong> continues to be unsustainable.<br />

In mid-<strong>2012</strong>, <strong>the</strong> new bonds were trading at<br />

less than 25c per euro. They had lost more than<br />

three-quarters <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir exchange value. In most<br />

recent sovereign bankruptcies, <strong>the</strong> new bonds<br />

have held <strong>the</strong>ir market value and so <strong>the</strong> collapse<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> price <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new <strong>Greek</strong> bonds was<br />

remarkable. It was probably driven by <strong>the</strong> fact<br />

that <strong>the</strong> outlook for Greece seemed so bleak<br />

that <strong>the</strong> credit ratings <strong>of</strong> Greece remained very<br />

low and this excluded pension funds and<br />

certain o<strong>the</strong>r institutional investors from<br />

holding on to <strong>the</strong> new bonds. The perceived<br />

subordination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new bonds was also not<br />

particularly encouraging.<br />

© <strong>Allen</strong> & <strong>Overy</strong> LLP <strong>2012</strong><br />

11. Contagion risk<br />

The <strong>Greek</strong> bankruptcy involved a major risk <strong>of</strong><br />

contagion prejudicing o<strong>the</strong>r developed<br />

countries in <strong>the</strong> eurozone.<br />

All major insolvencies generate <strong>the</strong> risk that <strong>the</strong><br />

insolvency will spread, not because o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

<strong>debt</strong>ors are bankrupt, but because creditors<br />

suspect that similar <strong>debt</strong>ors are likely to be in a<br />

similar situation to <strong>the</strong> bankrupt. This<br />

contagion risk may also be grounded in <strong>the</strong><br />

reality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> domino or cascade or ripple<br />

insolvency, whereby <strong>the</strong> default <strong>of</strong><br />

counterparties who do not pay results in <strong>the</strong><br />

creditors concerned being, in turn, unable to<br />

pay. Contagion is <strong>the</strong>refore <strong>of</strong>ten a mix <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

imagined and <strong>the</strong> real, illusion and actuality.<br />

This menace <strong>of</strong> spreading sickness was<br />

distinctly observable in <strong>the</strong> crisis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> lesserdeveloped<br />

countries in <strong>the</strong> 1980s and also,<br />

again, in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asian financial crisis in<br />

1998 where <strong>the</strong> near bankruptcy <strong>of</strong> Thailand<br />

spread quickly to o<strong>the</strong>r countries, such as<br />

Malaysia and South Korea. But <strong>the</strong> risk <strong>of</strong><br />

contagion became a fundamentally important<br />

risk in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> Greece, partly because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

fact that developed countries were involved, so<br />

that <strong>the</strong> amounts were extremely large, and<br />

because <strong>the</strong>re seemed to be a threat to <strong>the</strong><br />

second largest currency in <strong>the</strong> world.<br />

At <strong>the</strong> time, <strong>the</strong>re were frequent and<br />

increasingly unconvincing assertions that<br />

Greece was a special case and that Greece was<br />

“ring-fenced”.<br />

The main form <strong>of</strong> ring-fencing was to increase<br />

<strong>the</strong> bailout funds to <strong>the</strong> EFSF but at <strong>the</strong> time<br />

<strong>the</strong> amounts were not sufficiently convincing to<br />

disarm fears about <strong>the</strong> spread <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> risk to<br />

o<strong>the</strong>r countries in <strong>the</strong> eurozone.<br />

The risk <strong>of</strong> contagion was compounded by <strong>the</strong><br />

fact that <strong>the</strong> banking sector was in a bad state.<br />

Banks had been badly hit by <strong>the</strong> bursting <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

property bubble. It was not easy for <strong>the</strong>m to<br />

raise additional capital to replenish <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

existing capital or to satisfy <strong>the</strong> massively<br />

increased capital requirements imposed by<br />

regulators. The inter-bank market was virtually

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