SHELL, NIGERIA AND THE OGONI. A STUDY IN UNSUSTAINABLE ...

SHELL, NIGERIA AND THE OGONI I
In Ogoni a powerful example of such a
movement emerged to agitate for Ogoni selfdetermination
in order to bring an end to
perceived ‘economic strangulation, environmental
degradation and political marginalisation’
(Saro-Wiwa, 1995a). With the established
Nigerian political system having
largely failed the Ogoni, they believed they
had little choice but to revert to direct social
action. The Ogoni movement decided to
engage in a non-violent struggle drawing
on the language of minority/indigenous
peoples’ rights and social and ecological justice.
In October 1990 they launched the
Ogoni Bill of Rights. In the Bill, the Ogoni
people, while underlining their loyalty to
the Nigerian nation, asserted their right to
self-determination and articulated their demands
for environmental, social and economic
justice (for a full text of the Bill, see
MOSOP Canada, 1998b).
The oil question was very prominent in
the Ogoni Bill of Rights. Seven of its 20
listed points dealt with the exploration of
oil, the distribution of the revenue it generated
and the relative poverty and neglect of
Ogoni in contrast to the money oil resources
generated for the Federation. Their frustration
was illustrated by the following extract
from the Bill, which notes:
[I]n over 30 years of oil mining, the Ogoni
nationality have provided the Nigerian
nation with a total revenue estimated at
over forty billion Naira, thirty billion dollars.
That in return for the above contribution,
the Ogoni people have received
NOTHING (quoted in Saro-Wiwa, 1995a
– original emphasis).
Shortly after the proclamation of the
Ogoni Bill of Rights, the signatories of the
Bill established the Movement for the Survival
of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), which
soon became the main social movement organization
voicing the demands articulated
in the Bill of Rights (MOSOP Canada,
1998a,b).
In July 1992 Ken Saro-Wiwa, as the
MOSOP spokesperson, presented the first international
speech on the plight of the
Ogoni people to the United Nations Working
Group on Indigenous Populations. This
began the linking of the Ogoni with international
allies in the form of human rights organizations,
minority rights organizations
and indigenous peoples’ support groups
world-wide (for example, Amnesty International,
1994a,b,c,d; Rowell and Goodal, 1994;
Human Rights Watch/Africa, 1995). In January
1993, MOSOP was admitted as a member
to the Unrepresented Nations and
Peoples Organisation (UNPO). UNPO is an
organization of nations and peoples not adequately
represented in international fora
such as the UN. With their UNPO admission
the Ogoni received their first major
global press exposure from outlets such as
CNN and Time Magazine. The international
media were only too happy to carry
MOSOP’s accusations against Shell (see, for
example, O’Sullivan, 1995; Hammer, 1996;
Vidal, 1995).
SHELL AND THE OGONI IN DIRECT
CONFLICT
In December 1992, MOSOP issued a ‘demand
notice’ to Shell, the Nigerian National
Petroleum Corporation and Chevron, which
gave them 30 days to respond to a list of
demands that included payment of compensation
for past damage and impacts of the
oil activities (Saro-Wiwa, 1995a). Shell and
the others did not respond and as a result
they were declared ‘persona non grata’ by
MOSOP on 4 January 1993, which was declared
Ogoni Day. 300000 people peacefully
marked the United Nations Year of Indigenous
People. There was not a single reported
incident of violence (Boele, 1995).
However, that day, chants of ‘Say no to
Shell!’ were heard at rallies throughout
Ogoni.
Shell had found tensions rising in Ogoni
rising even before this (Boele, 1995) and officially
withdrew all their staff from Ogoni in
January 1993 after a worker was allegedly
beaten (Boele, 1995). The Ogoni denied that
staff were physically hurt but admit that
Shell facilities were closed down.
Copyright © 2001 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. Sust. Dev. 9, 74–86 (2001)
79