Cleavage Structures.pdf

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18 cLEAvAcE srRucruREs, pARTy sysrEMs, AND vorER ALIGNMENT' :iuf i:':":'#:l?1,::[Sg##:*,r:,.ro.toverzuirins.Ananarysis fff t$:11tffi ijruj*".iotr,Jrdaffi ,.,ffi Hffi mJou,ft *,1 r"t.i.ii,'iii,i:ii,i,H'ui'll,'.ilar,#:1T_eT.;:il;f many examples of t.li,f highry iUlt:Ul* ideorogizeJ burghers' p"rr! oppo.sitions cbnflicts beiween to officia,s *ort?., and etemenrs of economic_ have always b".qgi;;l'', "r,f,"i",iproyr;, "oot"io.d îlJiit.r,i* ;;;-"fr; rt.#"r*oog elements of curtural oppo!itior.'lJra?"i"i."1 ins,lation. -wo.iling-"tu* parties in opposition rid ;til; p";;ilffi -tended to be more virzuitd., fi :::,r##,H, ji,!l-:iry*T'Hi3J*""Tg;,1T#$Hi"ds:* to become ofizuild., 6om6sticatea, *f,f,i, r;;"';;;' ,-t" to influence from all segments "riil""l,r.1f"r" $mjlar variations wi''occur-at.a wide range of points on the territotiar -axis-of orEFfrEDia--T' ou. irritiu aii"rri* ,i'it " I pore we gave examnriioF cutturat and re ti e iois,::rf;;;; -ii" "i#i"rrion of the centrar national elite'-but such oipositions are not arways purery tertitoriar. The movements may be completerv dominant in theii prJv;ri"i"i .t.ongt otds but may also find #"8#.'i:;;Hr1;:*-ti.d;'"fi ;ifi ['t",#;;;;;h-#L"- - 'Ihe opposition of the ord Left in Norway-was essentially of this character. It was from rhe outset "_*ou"rn"oi Jii"in"g42rotest against the dom- i n a nce of the ccn trar i t" ; f riffi "r " ffi # i into ans a mass t-u movement r3ra:air;ry-Eio aden ed the suffrage 9r-*li"Jfri;fi#T;" dominlant was extended urbin strata. As abte to entrench ";;-;"-t#;#il;;" efforts itself proceeded in th" it was arso ;*trJ';d[i1t'"uun gain contror in sorne of them'ss rhis vcrv broarrening "tlr* *."i*",irt"o" vulnerable to fiaementariol fi" ora L"tt in"*xi"gry g^* itself up as an Apiaria".y?rty $;".m"oil,toward rhe a pote and set f S in F'il,il pole onJtf,.. and after wing ironp moved rrilory.o.t toward the j itself .tr"if,r as tir,iithe tbe Christfan mother partv estabrished y",iptri p-A; ii"in !ig. sl. TLe Scandinavian ffi:$:',:"H"'::i:*l r"rmation- J JenJ,ur'lu"r, -o,"."iir,-"'*!"ili'iini", '',b.*u;;"ilffi q,riigiffi1lT.iil';f '::lHTf,**rt"",."Hlil posed nationar education a. ,u"h *o of rr""r'i"i functional built organizations up extensive networks around ttreir roitoJerr; tirry'nro" -u..n concefnc i to defend the 6*atry .traditions - or or-irroaoi evangelism againsf the on- *ilf;ix,$ *i'-to"^#"iil"i"gi,r.ii". ii'?ft ,:::J?'i'* -."iii;" ""L."u,iu" qtr,"i,i";"",i;;;;;",,ff :f;j,,lhi"J':,Lilg**#,:l*;;li*"**#"lit; Church they resemblu tt " norionf;;i#'ttreat Britain and the And_ Revolutionaries in the Netherlands,-;;'rh" ";;;ts of their eftorts very different. rn the have been "lfr-l_"-l!; {il ;;it-d,T activists courd work wjrtun 13""kin"i lr:fr",:T1e1or course, also wittin Labour) *Jt"""j ji^pJrfur" ffl,tllx#ti*i*tltur*9";"rut**"r*;l;--*f I The National Revolution"foiil-;;#,i;ing ci.cres of the tenirorial <strong>Cleavage</strong> <strong>Structures</strong>, Party Systems, and Voter Ahgnmenrs population to chose sides in conflicts over vahtes and cultural identities. The Industrial Revolution also triggered a variety of cultural countermovements, but in the longer run tended to cut across the value communities within the nation and to force the enfranchised citizenry to choose sides in terms of their economic interests, their shares in the increased wealth generated through the spread of the new technologies and the widening markets. In our a-g-+-/ paradigm we have distinguished two types of such interest cleavages: cleavages between rural and urban interests (3) and cleavages between worker and employer interests (4). TheSgerlac_ulargr,gpth of -world trade and industrial production generated -inc5,qfifuItriins,b-eurililttlJfrimary piiiinCui-in the countrysidJ and the merchants and the entrepreneurs in the towns and the cities. On the continent, the conflicting interests of the rural and the urban areas had been recognized since the Middle Ages in the separate rcpresentation of the estates: the nobility and, in exceltional c"s"r,'th" freehttd peasants spoke for the land, and the burghers spoke for the cities. The Industrial Revolution deepened these conflicts and in country after country produced distinct rural-urban alignments in the national legislatures. Often the old divisions between estates were simply carried over into the unified parliaments and found expression in oppositions between Consewative-Agiarian and Liberal-Radical parties. The conflicts between rural and urban interests had been much less marked in Great Britain than on the continent. The House of Commons rvas not an assembly of the burgher estate but a body of legislators representing the constituent localities of the realm, the couuties and the boroughs.3o Yet even there the Industrial Revolution produced deep and bitter cleavages between the landed interests and the urban; in England, if not in Wales and Scotland, the opposition between Conservatives and Libcrals fed largely on these strains until the 1880's.36 There was a hard core of economic conflict in these oppositions, but:uhal .made them so deep and bitter was the struggle for,fhe-saintenance of acquiiettl-sratusandfirec@oTaEEGvffiEt.(frEngblgJhelqgg{efiQ.mled the country, and thi rising class of inAustrill-erftifirenefirs, m-any of*l them religiously at odds with the established church, for decades aligned themselves in opposition both to defend their economic interests and to assert their claims to status. It would be a misunderstanding, says the historian George Kitson Clark,"t to think'of agriculture "as an industry organized like any other industry-primarily for the puqposes of efficient production. ^lt was . . . rather organiZed to ensute the survival intact ol a caste. The proprietorS of the great,estates were not just very rich men whose capital happened to be invested in land, they wcre rather the life tenants of very considErable positions which it was their duty to leave intact to their successors. In a way it was the estate that mattered and not the holder of the estate. . . ." !hc^-qqtt_ -4ie++€t\ueen-Cqrervatives and Liberals reflected an opposition between two y,alue orientations n- nections versus the claims for status throu$h achievement and entcrprise, . These are typical strains in all transitional-societies; they tend to be most intensive in the early phases of industrialization and to soften as the rising elite establishes itself in the community. In England, this process of reconciliation proceeded quite rapidly. In a society open to extensive mobility and
A similar ur'AvAcE srR'cruREs' penrv-svsEuv effi vFr'n-lridr.rr"ryrvrS- - - llrti'3.T#St:"':3ffifXo industrial wealth could ggdu-atry be translated into a'd more mersers ,.û,l,.1l1olllinat aierarchy. and m ori mersers,"Lt'pr of" the I"riafi r"*i:lr:L]i,i.." i terests' ""-i'"iffi ;tr:!{f,ir..l# and this consoridalion HTt?T,1n;,yu: "r tr," ".iiJ""rTriil ,oo' changed the character of the conservadve-Liherar dfl*r. ;;;;.r'"i..r"1"J r,r!--r,Ji*" ifri""eh his detailed ecorogical ,rrai"r,.th" countryside oo.**.* and ,te business tre suburbs owners hi"t "t into the *o them into ttt".'r."ot,,n"i. close relation. *o;i..;;;; trl-ugn, :,* lt{i_*q;t'r: jlh". r".ur; ;;; ;;;;tffi ot li:?:Til-"\1il"::T,.T;:#""y'i"*.if ?iJf ioyincreasing"ru,,-ptr*?"_ g'"siii13 n ifi c an trv, rhe bu r k or r r, ", iiu-"i"r' #;;r#d'kT "Hffixr,i,:J :l5HH fJ,,i:;i'l"H"T'.-T"i*iT-;i*i1*i":,li$:s.inthcwaytheBritish parg did durine rhe ";ioJ ;p;;'ff;o" of the chasm #"f b"etw"ri il. *Jil uurgnJ.s-aod #r",H#J*';l *"-*"rland tempts to bridge a variety it thtougfapp..Irl";;;i of desperite at- and miritary varues.io .;,;,i h i." ::,1':J ll "^ ""ii,:.f "';p.;-;;"";;ent the * i,r-',!,i creavage uuttr*'poiitiffi #,:i":,liili:i,r":i,["j j:1, jo,i,,ff on the concentratioirs orrveatitr ililttl".: ,*,il1ilr."T3::,i; ownership structure Jontrol in the i". cities tl" and.on the Itaty, and Spai:r. 'uiîl-""ffi;.'t; tn" ro* rural_urp; iouiiiiJ,-nion.", ;]g;;4.-;' the i#i),'i;""J'd#.ffi;ri,o"," developnient of oarty oppositions.'o,t.r?.uu"g.s, the srate and the particularly between "frur.i_r';Jil;;;';*;r, and tenanrs, had greater rmpact on the alignm"op gf .tfre etectomi.i"Ay "or,rr"st, in the five frordic countres the ciries had trad.itionary ;;;;;;;#nationar poritical life, and tbe struggle for democracv and parliailr;;;"ry;.was^ triggered off through a broad process of mobitizarior';A; ffif.uiilrry.,, Ttiii was essentialy an expression of protest against tr" *"rr"rrJit"it"om.i.,, ""a p"ni.i"", t" :l'^1^"9: "" ttri'e. fs 1+, t" ;; ;;il,"'dir",',n"r" were arsoêlemenrs or :::il:ffi ifl ':il,'?f, i"*T"_*,:il:'#:#?Ttli:[",Ti;#ffi f,ff urban economiei' These cconomic "t""uugr-b..ame more and moie pro- nounced as the primaty-p*d:ii"g "i-*ltiiti! entered m-oney aod mark6t into econbi'ry. the national Th";"r"h;;; ot rnterest organizations ii" to..ution of ood a broad front Agrarian parties- "oop".utii.r;;1!g deveropment Even after of distinctive tr,"'.ir" domrnance' oi-ttlroitiog-"luss these Asrarian parries to parties nationar aio-rot mon fronts with nniît possible'to thetouseri,ative estabrish cou_ d"i;"r;;r?thc cuttural contrasts business between community. tn. .ouot The the strict vlfri"ili; market contrors ;;;;J';;lr?''^ 1"- l'u"s were.strll strong, and ::trff iHwi,h,heu5i'ry';;LliiT,dtiltffi i"::f $l;*t'i* ".ffi #:id: cleavages at #lTlfl the levcr "lTf#,i,j;i-ff "**- of ivorrd ..ono*y.TrrJ?n*.." a long time seen the Communists .t.ysglt have ;;-A;;;6i for in these terms: nations as of a nghttT Asia and Africa the Gilfi':;l?"st the city interests. As Lin EferfrgeVfUil''rerlto-er,e._--_ _ ___ _ _ _ _ ! Piao put it in a recent policy statement: "The countryside, anaine i*"6- - - - - - - side alone, can offer thi revolutionary bases from which the Revolution can go forward to final victory, . . . Iq a sense, the contemporary world revolution also-presents the picture of the encirclement of the cities by the rural areas."" 'The conflict between landed and urban iuterests was centered in the conmodrit-marketjfi G.sonts w"tiiea to Gtt tleii-ruaies-af ttreTest pofruli ffi-s-dnftofiy whit they necded from the indu'striat and urban p-duc.rs i4lowcost.Su;d;o;ni;Gitrilnotin-variablyptovepmty6rmlng.Tfi eyconld-bd dealt with within broa[parqy-fronts,or could be channeled through intsrest organizations into rifrowir irenas of functional represetrtation"and bargaining. Distinctly agrarian parties have only emerged where strong cultural oppositions have deepened and embittered the strictly economic conflicts. Conflicts n the lqbor lnar&et_ prs94 much_ aqoft,_ _gnitgugll {ivpive. Working-class partiis emerged in &ery country of-Euiope in the wekt-of the early rvaves of industrialization. The rising masses of wage earners, whether in large-scale farming, itr forestry, or in industry, resented their conditions of work and the insecurity of their contracts, and many of them felt socially and culturally alienated from the owners aud the employers. The result was the formation of a variety of labor unioos and the development of nationwide Socialist parties. The success of such movements depended on a variety of factors: the strength of the patemalist traditions of asciiptive recogoition of the worker status, t}re size of the work unit and the local ties of the workers, the level of prosperity and the stability of employment in the given industry, and the chances of improvements and promotion through loyal devotion or through education and achievement. A crucial factor in the developlgg4ltsfutlglaqlworking-class movements wa{the ofE:ruiess-of-th-$ven Codiety: Was the *ork& st;tus a lifetime predicament or were there openings for advancement? How easy was it to g€t ar education qualifyiog for a change in status? What prospects were there for striking out on one's own, for estabtshing iudependent work units? The conrrasts between American aad European developments must clearly be analyzed in these terms; the American workers were not only given the vote much earlier than their couuades in Europe; but they also found their way into the national system so much more easily because of ttre greater stress on equality and achievement, because of the many openings to better education, aud, last but not least, because the established workers could advance to better positions as n€w waves of immigrants took over the lower-status jobs.t'! A similar process is currently under way in the advanced countries of Western Europe. The immigrant proletariats from the Mcditerranean countries and ftom the West Indies allow the children of the established national working class to move into the middle class, and these nel waves of mobility tend to drain off traditional sources of resentment. In nineteenth and early twentieth century Europe the status barriers were markedly higher. The traditions from the estate-divided society kept the workers in their place, and the narrowness of the educational channels of mobility also made it difficult for sons and daughters to rise above their fathers. There were, however, important variations among the countries ot Europe io the attirudes of the established and the rising elites to the claims of the workers, and these difierences clearly affected the development of the ',,- (p;
Page 1 and 2: Cleovoge Structures, Porty Systems,
Page 3 and 4: cclr)posed of the active, mobirizin
Page 5 and 6: Tllfes 0f llic$e s'ts of interchang
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Page 9: Plarcw*t.qf,fush s"d-c14 hal for cl
Page 13 and 14: -ee'--r-'-tOltlt! 21 cLEAvAGE srRuc
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Page 23 and 24: CLEAVACE STRUCTURES, pARTy SYSTEMS,
Page 25 and 26: 50cLEAvAGEsTRUcTUREs'PARTYsYsTEMs'A
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