Cleavage Structures.pdf

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14 cLEAvAcE srRucruREs, pARTy sysrEMs, AND vorER ALTcNMENTs the trink of disrrrption but left an intractable heritage of territorial-cultural eonf,lct; tbe Catafin-Baeque-Castilian oppositions in"Spain, the conflict betwoen Flemings and lValloons in Belgium, and the English-French cleavages in Canada. _The conditiqgs_for_.the_s.ofienmg*oriadgr, ng*gt*Sgch-cle_ey3ge lines in tully mo6ilr-zeAl6fities have Ueen po6rg stri&E$e miiifrpie ffireligious cleavages of Switzerland and the language bonfl.icts in Finland and Norway have proved much more manageable than the recently aggravated conflict between Nederland,s-speakers and francophones in Belgium and between Cuebec and the English-speaking provinces of Canada. To account for such variations we clearly cannot proceed cleavage by cleavage but must analyzegtWcllations of conflict lines within each polity. To account for the vfiations h such constellatious we have found it illuminating to distinguish-]ii u/ crl'tical lines ol cleavage: Economy a t lntegntlon t L6lily,Hd$hdd Figure 3-Suggesfed locotions ol Four Critical Clecvoges in lfte o-g-i-l Porcdigm. tween the the (3) : the conflict on the one side and tenants, I ab o r e r s, an d w o r k e r s -6ii4e 6-thei-f4 ):
Plarcw*t.qf,fush s"d-c14 hal for close to a century been divide{U!9-.Q[-ee.national-liberal-secular, -jgt!9$u\Eaq+S:=thi frriquentfiretened to as thentssmcd* thg. "g6flefal" sector; the orrhodox proiestani column; aud t}te Rornan ettholio columrr,!s Tho orthodox Protostsnt eolumn developed through a series of violent conflicts over doctrinal irsusr withlq the es^tablished "National church. The Nederland,s Hervormdc Xe,,* earnc eaw pressure in the decades after Ae Eglch Bgygbtjon--and tho l.iapoleonic uifr"avai-With the spread of gggglS5is;q lggutadsm and ratio2alism, I{ggCI:lL the tho fuodirmentelists-were fuodamentelists-were rdameDtelists were increasinslv iincreasingly ouih"d pushed itrto into a minority position, both within the the Church Church and and in in the field bf education. originally, fhe orthodox protests against these developmeots restricted themselves to intellectual evangelical movements within the Establishment and to an isolationist walkout of pietistic lower-class elements in the separation (Alscheiding) of 1843. But from the 1860's onward, the movement ichieved massive momentum under the organizational inspiration of Abraham Kuyper. This fundamentalist clergyqal organized an hnti-school-Law Leagriri in 1872 and in 1879 succeeded in bringing together a variety of orihodox groups in a party explicitly directed againsl the ideas of the French Revolution, the Anti-Revolutionary party. This vigorous mass movement soon split up, however, over issuei ol doctrine ind of cultural identification. Kuyper led his followers out of the Mother church in 1gg6 and defended the rights of the Kerkvolk, the committed calvinist christians, to establish their own cultural_community, free of any ties to the state and the nation, The very extremism of this anti-cstablishment posture produced several countermovements within the Hervormde Kerk. Impo*an[ groups of orthodox Calvinists did not want to leave the Mother Ciurch but wanted to reform it from within; they wanted a broad Volkskerk rather than an isolated Kerkvolk.Tha conflict between these two conceptions of the Christian community led to the breakup of the Anti-Revolutionary party in 1894 and the graduai formarion of second Calvinist _a party, the Clvistian Historical (Jnion, formally cousolidated in 1908. These two parties became the core organizations of tle two wings of the orthodox Protestant front in Dutch society: the Anti-Revolutionaries deriving tleir essential strength trom Gereformeerden, whether iu separate dissenter churches or io Hervormde congregations controlled by cprgymgl of the same persuasion; the Christian Historicals deriving practically all their support from other orthodox segments within the M6ttrer Church. The Roman Catholic minority had at first found it to their advantage to work with the Liberal majority, but from tle sixties onward took steps to form distinct aqd social organizations. This was a -political slow pr6cess, however; the first federation of Catholic voters' associations was not-formed until 1904 and a formally organized natioual party was not established until tho lwenties.20 ,Both the ?rotestant and the Catholic movements eventually developed l{gc retworks of associations-and-institutions for their members and were abfg-to establish remarkably stable biFs ofTnpp
Page 1 and 2: Cleovoge Structures, Porty Systems,
Page 3 and 4: cclr)posed of the active, mobirizin
Page 5 and 6: Tllfes 0f llic$e s'ts of interchang
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Page 11 and 12: A similar ur'AvAcE srR'cruREs' penr
Page 13 and 14: -ee'--r-'-tOltlt! 21 cLEAvAGE srRuc
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Page 21 and 22: f f f l.t^t "f "I"f.,+^t *-trLtt t"
Page 23 and 24: CLEAVACE STRUCTURES, pARTy SYSTEMS,
Page 25 and 26: 50cLEAvAGEsTRUcTUREs'PARTYsYsTEMs'A
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