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Phonological Conditions on Affixation

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China; Li 1996). According to Li (1996: 201), there are five suffixes in Sibe whose initial<br />

c<strong>on</strong>s<strong>on</strong>ant surfaces as either a velar or a uvular. If a low vowel occurs in the stem, the<br />

uvular-initial allomorph is used; otherwise, the velar-initial allomorph is used. The<br />

suffixes involved in the pattern are the adjectival diminutive (with the variants -kɨn, -kun,<br />

-qɨn, -qun), the comparative (-kɨndi, -kundi, -qɨndi, -qundi), the self-perceived immediate<br />

past (-xɨ, -xu, -χɨ, -χu), the n<strong>on</strong>-self-perceived past (-xɤi, -xui, -χɤi, -χui), and the self-<br />

perceived remote past (-xɨŋ, -xuŋ, -χɨŋ, -χuŋ). Examples of the self-perceived immediate<br />

past are shown below (Li 1996: 202).<br />

(7) tükɛ-χu ‘to watch’ gɨnɨ-xɨ ‘to go’<br />

bɔdu-χu ‘to c<strong>on</strong>sider’ türü-xu ‘to rent’<br />

lavdu-χu ‘to become more’ utu-xu ‘to dress’<br />

ömi-χɨ ‘to drink’ tɨsu-xu ‘to satisfy’<br />

This example is also discussed by Bye (2005), who has two arguments for why<br />

these examples should be c<strong>on</strong>sidered cases of PCSA. The first is that the pattern violates<br />

strict locality, since a high fr<strong>on</strong>t vowel can intervene between the triggering low vowel<br />

and the initial c<strong>on</strong>s<strong>on</strong>ant of the stem, suggesting that this is not a regular ph<strong>on</strong>ological<br />

rule. The sec<strong>on</strong>d reas<strong>on</strong> is that not all velar-initial suffixes undergo the alternati<strong>on</strong>: for<br />

example, the imperative suffix surfaces as -kin even when the stem has a low vowel.<br />

Thus, Bye (2005) analyzes the suffixes as each having two underlying forms in a<br />

suppletive relati<strong>on</strong>ship. However, the problems for a purely ph<strong>on</strong>ological analysis that<br />

were pointed out by Bye seem to be less problematic than the loss of a generalizati<strong>on</strong> in<br />

the suppletive analysis. If the allomorphy is suppletive, we cannot explain why five<br />

suffixes exhibit the same pattern. If, <strong>on</strong> the other hand, we assume that the allomorphy is<br />

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