Phonological Conditions on Affixation

4.1.1.3 Non-optimization ................................................................................... 165
4.1.2 Summary ...................................................................................................... 172
4.2 Historical development of prosodically conditioned suppletive allomorphy:
The case of Pama-Nyungan ergative suffix allomorphy ................................... 174
4.2.1 Examples ...................................................................................................... 176
4.2.2 Previous discussions .................................................................................... 196
4.2.3 A history of PN ergative allomorphy ........................................................... 201
4.3 Analysis of prosodically conditioned suppletive allomorphy ........................... 205
4.3.1 The Output Optimization approach ............................................................. 205
4.3.2 Survey results revisited ................................................................................ 207
4.3.3 Examples of non-optimizing syllable-counting allomorphy (SCA) ............ 208
4.3.4 Examples of SCA possibly resulting from TETU ....................................... 211
4.3.5 The Subcategorization approach .................................................................. 212
4.3.6 Using Subcategorization to model SCA....................................................... 214
4.3.7 Estonian revisited ......................................................................................... 214
4.3.8 Summary of analysis .................................................................................... 216
4.4 Conclusion ......................................................................................................... 217
Chapter 5. Predictions of the P >> M model .......................................................... 219
5.1 Empty morphs .................................................................................................... 221
5.2 <strong>Phonological</strong>ly induced morphological gaps ..................................................... 223
5.3 Reduplication ..................................................................................................... 225
5.4 <strong>Phonological</strong>ly conditioned affix order ............................................................. 227
5.4.1 Predictions for affix order ............................................................................ 227
5.4.2 Cross-linguistic findings .............................................................................. 229
5.4.3 Pulaar ........................................................................................................... 232
5.4.3.1 Sonority-based affix order? .................................................................... 232
5.4.3.1.1 Gombe Fula affix order .................................................................... 233
5.4.3.1.2 A P >> M account of Gombe Fula affix order ................................. 237
5.4.3.1.3 Fuuta Tooro Pulaar (Northeastern Senegal) ..................................... 239
5.4.3.1.4 A scope-template account of Fuuta Tooro affix order ..................... 245
5.4.3.1.5 A scope-based reanalysis of Gombe Fula ........................................ 248
5.5 Infixation ............................................................................................................ 251
5.6 Conclusion ......................................................................................................... 254
Chapter 6. Conclusion .............................................................................................. 255
6.1 Summary of predictions ..................................................................................... 256
6.2 Summary of survey results ................................................................................ 258
6.3 Summary of theoretical implications ................................................................. 260
6.4 Two types of PCSA? ............ ............................................................................. 264
6.5 M >> P vs. separate components ........................................................................ 269
6.6 Future directions ................................................................................................ 271
References .................................................................................................................. 274
Appendix: Surveyed languages ............................................................................... 290
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