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28<br />

remote location, moreover, the appointed Dutch elite in the Cape Colony was running its own<br />

affairs.<br />

The culture and language of the white settlers in South Africa differed increasingly<br />

from those of the mother country, and they started calling themselves ‘Afrikaners’ and their<br />

language ‘Afrikaans’ rather than Dutch. In this sense, white-ruled South Africa (initially only<br />

the Cape peninsula) was a colony from 1652 when Whites first settled. It then gradually<br />

developed apartheid features but became more of a colony again from 1806 as it became<br />

British. The 19 th century Boer republics, Transvaal, the Orange Free State, and Natalia, and<br />

the independent South Africa from 1910 to 1994 were clear-cut apartheid societies in my wide<br />

sense. The Dutch and British colonies, on the other hand, were hybrid phenomena, somewhere<br />

in between colonies and apartheid societies. More accurately, they could be described as<br />

essentially apartheid societies with colonial veneers. They had a colonialist surface structure,<br />

but an apartheid deep structure. 18 The same applies to Egypt under Roman rule, where Greeks<br />

were also a majority among Europeans, remaining privileged in ways comparable to the<br />

Afrikaners under the British.<br />

The differences between an apartheid society and a colony manifest themselves further<br />

in the apartheid society being generally more violent – much due to paranoid tendencies<br />

within the ruling minority and also because it wants to make room for immigrants of its own<br />

choice in order to boost its own numbers and to further increase its military, political and<br />

economic power, in many cases, moreover, because there are genocidal attitudes and practices<br />

originating from the elites. There are cycles of violence in apartheid that are not duplicated in<br />

colonialized societies. <strong>Apartheid</strong> is also more extreme in terms of exploitation, repopulation<br />

policies, land confiscation, forced removals and ideology. The oppressive minority is larger<br />

than it is in colonies, and it cannot expect or even hope for the mother country or countries to<br />

help out in a time of crisis. It would not even be welcome, in large groups of migrants, in its<br />

countries of origin, in case it really faced ‘being driven into the sea’ 19 by the indigenous and<br />

would have to emigrate on a large scale. This goes for the Greeks in Egypt, for the Dutch (and<br />

many other European) descendants in South Africa, and for the Ashkenazy as well as the<br />

Sephardic Jews in modern Israel. In each case, we are talking about several million people.<br />

They would not be taken in en masse willingly by anyone, whether in Europe or elsewhere.<br />

Moreover, since the oppressive minority is larger, the control and surveillance established by<br />

the elites, their security forces, and their allies abroad is far greater than it is in a colony.<br />

Therefore, the political and economic pressures on the oppressed majority in an apartheid<br />

society can be (and are) increased in comparison with colonies.<br />

‘Proper’ apartheid states are themselves aggressively colonialist in attitude and<br />

behavior. Greek-ruled Egypt established numerous colonies to the east, north and west. Dutch<br />

and British soldiers, as well as Dutch, Afrikaner and British farmers from the Cape gradually<br />

invaded land to the north and east and often added it to the white political entity gradually, as<br />

18<br />

Lester 1996: 15ff; Fredrickson: White Supremacy: A Comparative Study in American and South African<br />

History, 1981: 18<br />

19<br />

For example, in 2001, the Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon’s foreign policy adviser, Daniel Ayalon, told<br />

reporters at a press conference that “We are not fans at all of a military solution although...if they hold us at<br />

gunpoint and tell us ‘Give us what we want or else we will keep shooting,’ they will never stop shooting until<br />

they drive us into the sea…” (N.N.: Palestinians Would Exploit Weakness - Israeli Official, August 16, 2001).<br />

Similarly, in an interview with the Russian magazine, New Times, the Israeli ex-prime minister, Binyamin<br />

Netanyahu, talks about a political movement under Yasser Arafat “having the slogans ‘Death to Israel! And Cast<br />

the Jews into the Sea!’”, also without citing any specific sources. Pumpyansky: Binyamin Netanyahu: “The End<br />

of History”? It’s Rubbish, 2002. There is in fact plenty of macabre irony in the claim that the Arabs want to<br />

throw the Jews into the sea, an irony that has not been lost on the Palestinians. In 1948, many Palestinians were<br />

literally pushed into the turbulent Mediterranean sea, where they perished. With land routes cut off by Zionist<br />

forces, tens of thousands of refugees from the Palestinian city of Jaffa and neighbouring villages tried to flee by<br />

boat to Lebanon, Gaza and Egypt; scores of Palestinians were thus drowned. See Sohl: Implementing the Right<br />

of Return, 2003.

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