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Apartheid

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6<br />

sanctioned South African commodities started to bring in profits again after 1994, and most of<br />

the profits ended up in the pockets of business owners and executives, who were mostly<br />

white. There is much that Israelis and Palestinians can learn from the South African<br />

experience, perhaps especially if they are able to achieve an end to legalized and political<br />

apartheid like South Africa did.<br />

Another reason why apartheid still eludes easy classification is that, like most armed<br />

conflicts today, it does not readily fall under the classification of war, since the relationship<br />

cannot be defined as a formal state of war between two states, except under unusual<br />

circumstances. War is never formally declared, except under these relatively rare conditions.<br />

Today, in most conflicts, the two main warring groups usually lay claim to the same territory<br />

as their homeland, and apartheid is just one example of this kind of conflict. The apartheid<br />

wars in which the traditional sense of war does apply are mainly colonial invasions, in which<br />

invader civilian settlements may be planned, but are not yet an established fact. They also<br />

include wars with neighboring countries, such as Israel’s wars of 1948-9, 1956, 1967, and<br />

1973. The Israeli invasions of southern Lebanon from 1982 through 2006 or the continuing<br />

invasions of the West Bank and Gaza since 1967, however, are not wars in the traditional<br />

sense since Israel (in contradiction to international law) neither declared (or even admitted<br />

waging) war nor recognized the sovereignty or rights to self-determination of the states or<br />

nations that they invaded. Moreover, the Palestinians in Palestine and Israel, just like the<br />

South African Blacks in South Africa, including the Homelands, were both disarmed and<br />

surrounded, during most of these wars of the apartheid states against their neighbors. Lacking<br />

states as well as military hardware, it was thus next to impossible for the main victims of<br />

apartheid to wage war anyway.<br />

But then, apartheid is not just oppression either. In the Israeli-Palestinian conflict<br />

hundreds of thousands of people have been killed, in the southern African apartheid conflict<br />

millions. <strong>Apartheid</strong> is something between war and oppression, and, at the same time, both war<br />

and oppression.<br />

Similarly, apartheid is something between crime and law, and lawful and criminal at<br />

the same time. It is a crime under international law, but its application and realization is of<br />

course often required domestically by the apartheid regime’s laws. Frequently, it is a crime or<br />

an offence to be against apartheid under an apartheid rule. More or less covert crimes under<br />

those same laws are also sometimes or even often encouraged by apartheid regimes,<br />

especially human rights violations carried out by invading semi-civilian settlers and so-called<br />

‘state security forces’.<br />

Apparently, apartheid needs to be understood with a conceptual apparatus that partly<br />

transcends that of international law and traditional political science, in which ‘war’ is<br />

understood as international, and ‘oppression’ as domestic. I believe this can be done with an<br />

umbrella concept of ‘gross human rights violations’, encompassing both war and oppression.<br />

Thus, apartheid, along with genocide and colonialism (and other serious crimes, such as racist<br />

slavery, or aggressive warfare in general), can be understood as ‘a system of gross human<br />

rights violations’, and as a crime against humanity.<br />

In this investigation human rights are understood in terms of the Universal Declaration<br />

of Human Rights (UDHR), which was adopted on December 10, 1948 by the General<br />

Assembly of the United Nations. This concept of human rights is far from unproblematic. It<br />

contains a subtle bias of a pro-western nature as well as several potential contradictions. Civil<br />

and political rights are emphasized whereas social and economic rights are downplayed. Many<br />

people in developing countries resent this, knowing for instance that there is more than<br />

enough food for every human being in the world whilst the destitute, especially in these<br />

countries, are starving. Yet there is no universal human right to be fed, nor are there any to be<br />

sheltered or clothed. Furthermore, there is no system of rights, only a list. And conflicts<br />

between rights, e.g. between the rights to privacy and freedom of expression, are left<br />

unsolved.

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