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8<br />

stage of the invasion has taken several different forms – from legal to illegal land purchase, to<br />

the loose imposition of administrative rule (colonial, i.e. essentially undemocratic, in style)<br />

over military occupation, further to aggressive repopulation and settlement, ethnic cleansing<br />

and genocide. In South Africa, the invasion went on, in fits and starts, for more than three<br />

centuries. It reached as far north as Angola in the 1980s.<br />

Roughly coinciding with the first invasion – in Israel and Graeco-Roman Egypt<br />

earlier, in South Africa slightly later – the immigration of a substantial number of civilians of<br />

the same ethnicity as the invaders is arranged by the actual or prospective apartheid elites.<br />

Partly in order to make room for these immigrants, many indigenous people are eventually<br />

exterminated or expelled from the country or from their land. Their other belongings are often<br />

also stolen, along with the land. In the Dutch Cape Colony, the theft of Khoikhoi cattle by the<br />

Europeans led to the extermination of this ethnic group. Large numbers of indigenous<br />

survivors, however, are kept alive or are allowed to stay alive – if only barely – as an<br />

exploited work force and as an abused reserve work force, and they are also kept as separated<br />

from the ethnic elite as possible, especially the ‘reservists’. A host of excuses and remarkably<br />

flexible, yet often successful strategic reasons are invoked for recurrent decimations of the<br />

indigenous population, as its birth rate is higher than that of the oppressive ethnic minority –<br />

mainly because of the high child mortality rates and low average life expectancy of members<br />

of the indigenous majority, and also due to peculiar cultures of resistance, which are acted out<br />

mainly at the expense of indigenous women, and which include killings of women (and some<br />

men) who will not – or may encourage other women not to – participate as producers of large<br />

numbers of indigenous babies. Nonetheless, despite these horrific conditions and their<br />

resultant huge indigenous death tolls, population growth as a whole is much faster in the<br />

oppressed apartheid populace than it is in the ethnic elite community, despite racist<br />

immigration, naturalization, and citizenship laws or hi-tech fertility boosters for female<br />

members of this minority.<br />

At some point in time during these developments, an independent, sovereign state is<br />

declared by the dominant ethnic minority, whose members thereby become its most privileged<br />

citizens or nationals. (The privileges of members of the oppressive minority, however, are not<br />

only consequences of the independence of the apartheid state. Both legal and practical<br />

conditions of ethnicist discrimination can, of course, also characterize pre-apartheid, postapartheid,<br />

colonialized, racist slave-labor-based, and yet other kinds of societies. Moreover,<br />

the condition of independence is only absolute in a formal sense. Political independence and<br />

especially economic and military independence are all matters of degree in practice. In at least<br />

one practical sense, only the USA is today an independent country, owing to the unrivalled<br />

economic and political power of its industrial-military complex and its embeddedness in a<br />

globalized capitalist economy. All other countries in the world are, in this important sense,<br />

dependent of the USA.)<br />

As if all of this oppression were not enough, certain essential aspects of the invaders’<br />

culture, including language and religion, are more or less forced upon the abused and toiling<br />

indigenous masses in apartheid societies. Many members of the indigenous group eventually<br />

come to believe, at least occasionally, that their cultures and they themselves are worth less<br />

than ‘European’, ‘white’, ‘western’, or ‘Jewish’ cultures and people are.<br />

Due to these conditions, their implications and consequences, my widened concept of<br />

apartheid represents no less a crime against humanity than the narrow concept. It is in fact<br />

even more of a crime; among racist crimes it could indeed be seen as second in severity only<br />

to genocide.<br />

However, when racist slavery is viewed as an independent system of racism – separate<br />

from both apartheid and genocide – the crime of racist slavery that was perpetrated over 400<br />

years in the ‘Atlantic System’ may perhaps be counted as the one exception to the ranking of<br />

apartheid as second worst only to genocide.

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