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44<br />

brokered peace agreement. Between 2000 and 2002, in events marred by controversy and by<br />

violence (yet very little of it compared to violence accompanying the initial white land grab),<br />

the Zimbabwean government took back 11 million hectares of land from white farmers,<br />

without any compensation paid. The land restitution issues that now (superficially) seem to<br />

divide white and black Zimbabweans more than ever are issues that are also widely expected<br />

to rise to prominence in South African domestic politics soon. 44<br />

Independent Rhodesia was an apartheid society. But it was short-lived, and during its<br />

15-year life span it never achieved the degree of forced separation between ethnic groups and<br />

entrenched discrimination of the indigenous majority that South Africa did. Furthermore,<br />

Rhodesia had a very small invading ethnic group, never even attaining four per cent of the<br />

total population. In this sense, it remained more of a colony in its style of oppression, even<br />

after ‘independence’, which was basically a buffer zone role for South Africa’s apartheid<br />

elites, and thus less independent than most other apartheid societies. Finally, the Rhodesian<br />

state never became a world political, economic or military power, as did all three of the main<br />

examples of apartheid in this investigation.<br />

Spanish Mayhem in Guatemala<br />

The Mayan civilization, older than Spain’s, can still be found in southern Mexico,<br />

Belize and Guatemala, where the Mayans are still the majority. Guatemala was created from<br />

the invasion and conquest by Spanish adventurers 500 years ago, and has been suffering<br />

severely from theirs and their descendants’ presence ever since. Not many immigrants have<br />

added to the foreign presence of the privileged minority of Spaniards, whose independence<br />

from Spain and then from Mexico led to a society that has also been compared to apartheid in<br />

South Africa. In the 1940s, some democratic reforms for the benefit of the indigenous were<br />

introduced, but they were withdrawn after a coup by Guatemalan military officers with US<br />

assistance in 1954. A bloody civil conflict ensued and did not end until the late 1990s. An<br />

estimated 200,000 people were killed in Guatemala between 1960 and 1996, and the killing<br />

still goes on, in particular political assassinations of human rights workers attempting to<br />

clarify facts about atrocities committed before 1996. Human rights groups seeking to bring<br />

military officials to justice are still being targeted by a slew of death threats and lethal attacks,<br />

which many attribute to elements within the army. Young indigenous women are also being<br />

raped and murdered, apparently by members of the country’s armed forces, in what may be<br />

attributable to an apartheid legacy (see Section II.1, below.)<br />

In numerous ways similar to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South<br />

Africa, the Guatemalan Commission for Historical Clarification noted in its 1999 final report<br />

that 93 per cent of human rights violations during that conflict had been perpetrated by the<br />

ethnic European-dominated armed forces and state paramilitaries, i.e. by the oppressive ethnic<br />

minority. The report also stated that the counter-insurgency of 1981-1983 amounted to<br />

‘genocide’ of the indigenous Mayans and that the USA had financed, trained, equipped and<br />

encouraged some of the Guatemalan forces responsible for the atrocities. The commission<br />

recommended reparations for families of victims, and this is slowly being implemented by the<br />

new Guatemalan government. But the US government has so far ignored or refused to act<br />

upon this recommendation, although President Bill Clinton in 1999 did admit that the USA<br />

had wronged Guatemala. Today, still, the indigenous life expectancy is 45, whereas nonnatives<br />

(ethnic Europeans) can expect to live for an average of 61 years. The infant mortality<br />

rate of indigenous people is still twice that of non-natives. The UN says Guatemala still has<br />

one of the most skewed land ownership percentages in the world; an estimated 65 per cent of<br />

44 Iliffe 1995: 54f, 101ff, 191ff; N.N.: Political History: Zimbabwe, 1998; Martin & Johnson: The Struggle for<br />

Zimbabwe, 1981; Reader: Africa: A Biography of the Continent, 1998 (1997): 468ff; Esipisu: S.Africa Urges<br />

UK to Help Zimbabwe White Farmers, 2002. On the land restitution issues in Zimbabwe, South Africa, and<br />

elsewhere in southern Africa, see also Chapter II.4.2, below.

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