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SOCIOLOGY EDUCATION - American Sociological Association

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378 Hirschfield<br />

range from 1 (leave high school early) to 4<br />

(finish college). Finally, the average number of<br />

absences (per class) in the semester prior to<br />

the reference date is the most proximate<br />

time-varying selection factor and among the<br />

strongest joint covariates of arrest and<br />

dropout. Unfortunately, 61 percent of Year 1<br />

arrestees and nonarrestees lacked data on<br />

prior absences, which are available only during<br />

high school. Still, including this measure<br />

imposed tighter selection controls on estimates<br />

of the effects of arrests on dropout.<br />

Behavioral Factors Several other behavioral<br />

risk factors for arrest and dropout were measured.<br />

Self-reported acting out (Cook et al.<br />

2000) was computed as the mean of 11 survey<br />

items measuring the frequency of delinquency<br />

(e.g., shoplifting, auto theft, gang<br />

fight, hitting someone, damaging property),<br />

school misconduct (e.g., skipping school, disciplinary<br />

referral), and other conduct that<br />

may invite police scrutiny (e.g., doing something<br />

dangerous for fun) in the past year.<br />

Responses ranged from 1 (never) to 5 (10 or<br />

more). The average reliability (Cronbach’s<br />

alpha) of this index across waves of the survey<br />

is .87.<br />

Substance use was measured as the mean<br />

frequency of drinks of alcohol and episodes of<br />

marijuana use in the past 30 days. Responses<br />

ranged from “none” (1) to “more than 20” (7<br />

for alcohol and 6 for marijuana). To help preclude<br />

that offending predilections account for<br />

differences in outcomes among arrested<br />

youths, I used arrest-charge categories in the<br />

first quasi-experiment. Drug, violenceweapons,<br />

and property offenses constituted<br />

nearly all first offenses, but only a violenceweapons<br />

dummy variable was included in the<br />

regressions. Drug and property charges were<br />

unrelated to the arrest grade and early<br />

dropout, respectively.<br />

The final measure of delinquency, prior station<br />

adjustments, is generally incorporated<br />

into self-reported measures of arrest (Kirk<br />

2006). A separate measure of station adjustments<br />

is theoretically warranted because<br />

these sanctions, during the study period, typically<br />

entailed no more than a brief visit to the<br />

police station, a referral to a social service<br />

agency, and/or a stern warning (Illinois<br />

General Assembly, 1998). Station adjustments<br />

for minor offenses are the formal “warning<br />

stage” en route to juvenile court referrals and<br />

thus a systematic selection mechanism for formal<br />

arrest. 10 Controlling for the number of<br />

station adjustments helps ensure parity<br />

between arrested and nonarrested youths in<br />

their adjusted risk of more formal processing<br />

(Cook et al. 2008). Station adjustments were<br />

reliably measured in police records only until<br />

February 15, 1997, necessitating the extensive<br />

imputation of missing values (discussed<br />

later).<br />

Three other behavioral risk factors were<br />

included. The share of delinquent friends was<br />

the mean of three items (· = .81) asking about<br />

the portion of the respondents’ friends who<br />

damaged property, stole, and encouraged<br />

lawbreaking in the past year. Values ranged<br />

from 1 (none) to 5 (all). Next, a single item<br />

queried how much time the respondents<br />

spent “hanging out with a bunch of friends”<br />

on a typical school day. Values ranged from 1<br />

(none) to 6 (8 or more), with a mode of 3<br />

(2–3 hours). Finally, anger control is a key<br />

dimension of self-control that may forge a<br />

spurious link between arrest and dropout<br />

(Sweeten 2006), perhaps by aggravating the<br />

risk of arrest from police encounters<br />

(Hirschfield et al. 2006). Anger control is the<br />

mean of four Likert scales that gauge how<br />

often youths lose their temper or feel really<br />

mad at others, are so upset that they want to<br />

hurt someone, or are angry enough to break<br />

something (· = .81). Values range from 1<br />

(“everyday”) to 5 (“never”).<br />

Contextual Factors Unlike prior studies in<br />

this area, this study took into account neighborhood-<br />

and school-level selection factors.<br />

The first contextual control was derived from<br />

a construct of concentrated disadvantage<br />

developed for Chicago’s neighborhoods<br />

(Sampson, Raudenbush, and Earls 1997). For<br />

each census tract, I standardized the construct’s<br />

six dimensions of disadvantage (rate<br />

per 100 persons living below the poverty line,<br />

on public assistance, in female-headed families,<br />

unemployed, younger than age 18, and<br />

black) and averaged them, weighting each<br />

variable by its factor loading (oblique rotation)<br />

reported in Sampson et al. (1997).<br />

Second, crime rates, which correlate positively<br />

with dropout, were the yearly totals of index<br />

crimes per 1,000 residents for the census tract<br />

in which youths resided prior to their refer-

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