Susi Wurmbrand - O

Little v workshop
Leiden, October 2013
The features of voice
SUSANNE WURMBRAND
University of Connecticut
1. Introduction
From restructuring and Reverse Agree to a feature system for v
(1) Restructuring: v dependency between matrix and embedded v
(2) A feature F: __ on α is valued by a feature F: val on β, iff [Wurmbrand To appear]
i. β c-commands α AND
ii. α is accessible to β. [accessible: not spelled-out]
iii. α does not value {a feature of β}/{a feature F of β}.
(3) 3
F: val …
3
F: __ …
This talk
[See also: Neeleman and Koot 2002, Adger 2003, von
Stechow 2003, 2004, 2005, 2009, Baker 2008, Hicks
2009, Haegeman and Lohndal 2010, Bjorkman 2011,
Grønn and von Stechow 2011, Merchant 2011, Zeijlstra
2012, Wurmbrand 2012a, b, To appear]
• Feature (valuation) system for v
• Features can be inserted valued or unvalued; in the latter case, the values
are determined contextually, yielding different types of constructions
• Unified system for a diverse set of constructions
2. Towards a typology of v
v
v: val/__
ϕ: val/__
Active pro Passive Expletive Restructuring Retroactive
ϕ: unvalued ϕ: valued ϕ: valued ϕ: unvalued ϕ: unvalued ϕ: valued
v: AGENT v valued by Pass v valued by T v valued by v
Simple clauses
Complex predicates
2.1 Agentive v
• v is inserted with AGENT value (or a different flavor of that value), which translates as an argument
introducing head such as Kratzer’s (1996) Agent* (λxeλes[Agent(x)(e)]).
• v: AGENT assigns accusative Case
• I assume a simple vP here; in a voiceP/vP split system (Collins 2005, Alexiadou, Anagnostopoulou
& Schäfer 2006, several talks here), the v and ϕ-features would be distributed
over the different heads.
• ϕ-features:
o If inserted unvalued, (4a), v’ must merge with an NP with valued ϕ-features.
o v: AGENT (or v: PASS; see 2.2.1) identifies the ϕ-features as the AGENT argument
o Insertion of valued ϕ-features, (4b): pro (e.g., Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou 1998); no
further NP can be merged with v.
1

(4) a. Active v b. pro
vP
vP
3 3
NP v’ v VP
ϕ: val 1 3 v: AGENT …
v VP ϕ: val 1
v: AGENT …
ϕ: ___
v
v: AGENT
ϕ: val 1 /val 1
1 = AGENT
2.2 Unvalued v
• v is inserted unvalued; value is determined contextually
• Passive, expletive: v valued in situ by higher head
• Restructuring, retroactive: v valued after incorporation (section 3)
2.2.1 Passive v
• PassP: functional head introducing the passive auxiliary (which values v+V as participle)
• Pass: values v feature v: PASS, which translates as a head introducing an existentially closed
agent argument
• Legate (2010, 2012): lexically valued ϕ-features on v correspond to the features of an (implicit
or oblique) agent
• v: PASS identifies the ϕ-features on v as an implicit AGENT argument
• Only v: AGENT assigns accusative Case; object must move into the Agree domain of T (NOM)
(5) ϕ: valued PassP Phase
3
vP
3
Pass
v: PASS
vP
3
v VP v VP
v: ___ … v: PASS …
ϕ: val 1 ϕ: val 1
v
v: PASS
ϕ: val 1
1 = AGENT
2.2.2 Explective v 1
• ϕ-features are inserted unvalued
• Object does not get ACC from v (not v: AGENT); moves to Spec,vP (phase edge)
• Object values v’s ϕ-features (no thematic relation is established)
• T values v with a default value; v: EXPL (Schäfer 2008)
(6) ϕ: unvalued 3
T
vP Phase
3
v’
3
OBJ 2 v’
3
v VP v VP
v: ___ … v: T≈EXPL …
ϕ: ___ ϕ: val 2
v
v: EXPL
ϕ: val 2
2 = THEME
1 This part has been developed in discussions with Marcel Pitteroff.
2

(7) a. The door opened Inchoative, anti-causative, absolute construction
b. Die Vase zerbrach
The vase broke
Brazilian Portuguese (Negrão and Viotti 2010)
• Absolute construction: no se (sometimes impossible), non-agentive, non-stative; not middle
• Examples (all active and without se): the carpet finished, the train missed, the program installed,
the subject was treating, a serve erred, the garden destroyed, the house sold
(8) a. A Maria impregnou a blusa com/de perfume
The Mary scented the blouse with/of perfume
‘Mary scented the blouse’
b. A blusa foi impregnada com/de perfume passive
The blouse was sented with/of perfume
c. A blusa se impregnou com/de perfume middle
The blouse SE sented with/of perfume
d. A blusa impregnou toda *com/de perfume anti-causative
The blouse scented all *with/of perfume
[OK if middle with dropped se; R. Lacerda, p.c.]
Excluded configurations?
Passive ? Expletive ?
ϕ: valued ϕ: unvalued ϕ: unvalued ϕ: valued
v valued by Pass v valued by Pass v valued by T v valued by T
• PassP and unvalued ϕ-features:
o Object moves to Spec,vP and values v’s ϕ-features (ϕ: val 2 ); Pass values v (v:
PASS); v: PASS identifies the object as the agent argument Theta mismatch
o Subject merges in Spec,vP and values v’s ϕ-features (ϕ: val 1 ); Pass values v (v:
PASS); v: PASS identifies the subject as the agent argument, but semantics of pass
requires an existentially closed agent argument; conflicts with overt NP.
• No PassP, but valued ϕ-features on v: *[v: T=EXPL, ϕ: val]; ϕ-features cannot be identified
(need an explicit [AGENT] or implicit [PASS] argument introducing feature).
2.2.3 Complex predicates
(9) 3 Restructuring ≈ voice dependency
v
VP
v: val 3
V vP Phase
try/let 3
v
ϕ: val/__
VP
…
v: ___
3

3. Restructuring
3.1 Summary of proposal
(10) 3
v VP Phase
v: val 3 Restructuring involves a v
V vP SOD Restructuring vP is a (potential) phase
2 2 Incorporation of v and phase extension
{v } V {v} VP Different spell-out options for incorporated v
v: ___ …
ϕ: val/__
• Dynamic phase approach: The highest projection of a cyclic domain is a phase (Bobaljik and
Wurmbrand 2005, 2013, den Dikken 2007, 2012a, b, Bošković To appear, Wurmbrand
2013a, b); relevant here: [ Phase {AspP/PassP} {vP} VP ]
• Phase extension: Following den Dikken (2007), among others, phasehood is extended by
head-movement; incorporation of the embedded v extends the embedded vP phase to the matrix
VP and the embedded vP becomes a spell-out domain [SOD].
• Movement has to go through matrix Spec,VP—anti-reconstruction derived (without
‘agreement domains’; Bobaljik and Wurmbrand 2005)
(11) a. weil er alle Fenster vergessen hat [ t OBJ zu schließen]
since he all windows (ACC) forgotten has [ t OBJ to close]
‘since he forgot to close all the windows’
∀ » forget; *forget » ∀
b. John-wa subeto-no ringo-o tabe-wasure-ta
John-TOP all-GEN apple-ACC eat-forget-PAST
‘John forgot to eat all the apples.’
3.2 Restructuring as VP+ complementation
Long passive
∀ » forget; *forget » ∀
• Embedded restructuring complement lacks a functional domain (Wurmbrand 2001 et seq.)
• Embedded object is dependent on the voice properties of the matrix predicate
(12) a. dass der Traktor und der Lastwagen zu reparieren versucht wurden German
that [the tractor and the truck].NOM to repair tried were.PASS.PL
‘that they tried to repair the tractor and the truck’
b. Aneuk agam nyan geu-ci (*geu-)peuréksa lé dokto Acehnese
child male DEM 3.POL-try (*3.POL-)diagnose by doctor
Lit. ‘The child was tried to be diagnosed by the doctor.’
‘The doctor tried to diagnose the child.’ [Legate 2012: 501]
c. naqaru.un i t.um.uting ni yumin ku bawaq Mayrinax Atayal
finish.PV LNK beat.AV.beat GEN Yumin NOM pig
Lit. ‘The pigs were finished to be beaten by Yumin.’
‘Yumin finished beating/killing the pigs.’ [Chen 2010: 5]
4

Reasons for the presence of v in restructuring
• Association of embedded predicate with a subject (Chierchia 1984—meaning postulates; can
we do better?)
• Voice-marking on the embedded predicate in many languages
• Transitivity mismatches of matrix and embedded predicates
• Difference between default voice and voice matching languages
(13) a. Ma’a’ñao i pätgun ha-taitai esti na lepblu Chamorro
NPL.RL.IN.afraid the child 3SG.RL.TR-read this LNK book
‘The child is afraid to read this book.’
[Chung 2004: 203; (5a)]
b. Chinägi dinispensa si Carmen gias Maria Chamorro
NPL.R.IN.PASS.try NPL.RL.IN.PASS.forgive DET Carmen OBL Maria
Lit. ‘Carmen was tried to be forgiven by Maria.’
‘Maria tried to forgive Carman.’
[Chung 2004: 219; (31a)]
c. Iliskinun-ku bunbun-a tu baliv-un Isbukun Bunun
want.PV-1SG.ACC banana-that.NOM TU buy-PV
Lit. ‘The bananas are wanted to be bought by me.’
‘I wanted to buy the bananas.’ [Wu 2013: 40]
(14) a. *Tinituhun ha-lalatdi si Dolores i famagu’un
NPL.RL.IN.PASS.begin 3SG.RL.TR-scold Dolores the children
‘Dolores began to scold the children’
[Chung 2004: 219; (32a)]
b. *Tinituhun kumati i pätgun
NPL.RL.IN.PASS.begin NPL.RL.IN.cry the child
‘The child began to cry.’
[Chung 2004: 219; (32b)]
c. *Ha-hähassu si Carmen binisita i biha
3SG.RL.TR-think.PROG Carmen NPL.RL.IN.PASS.visit the old.lady
‘Carmen is thinking of visiting the old lady.’
[Chung 2004: 222; (37a)]
d. *Kao ha-ayuda man-sinedda’ i famagu’un ni chi’lu-hu?
Q 3SG.RL.TR-help PL.RL.IN-PASS.find the children OBL sibling-1SG
‘Did my brother help find the children?’
[Chung 2004: 222; (37b)]
But: restructuring complement lacks a subject and accusative Case
(15) a. Es wurde versucht [PRO IMPL sich IMPL den Fisch mit Streifen vorzustellen]
It was tried [PRO IMPL SELF IMPL the fish.ACC with stripes to-imagine]
‘People tried to imagine what the fish would look like with stripes.’
b. *weil sich der Fisch mit Streifen vorzustellen versucht wurde RI
since SELF the fish.NOM with stripes to-imagine tried was
‘since somebody tried to recall the image of the fish’
c. weil [ sich den Fisch mit Streifen vorzustellen ] versucht wurde NRI
since [ SELF the fish.ACC with stripes to-imagine ] tried was
‘since somebody tried to recall the image of the fish’
5

3.3 Restructuring v
• Incorporation and spell-out
(16) VP1 Phase
3
restructuring NP.OBJ V’
ϕ unvalued 3
vP V vP SOD
2 2 2
v VP2 v V1 v VP2
v: ___ v: ___ v: ___ @
ϕ: ___ ϕ: ___ ϕ: ___ V t Obj
• Restructuring: v, ϕ unvalued
• No ACC, no embedded subject
(v: ___ cannot associate an NP
with a theta-role at this point)
• v incorporates into matrix V
• phase extension to VP1, edge
movement (anti-reconstructions)
PF copy choice: {v} {v} spell-out of v postponed (Chamorro etc.)
{v} {v} default value: Atayal—AV (see below);
German—infinitive; Acehnese—bare V
(17) Active matrix predicate vP
3
NP 1 v’
3 ϕ: val 3
v VP1 v VP1
v: AGENT 3 v: AGENT 3
ϕ: ___ NP.OBJ ϕ: val 1
ACC
V’
3
NP.OBJ
ACC
V’
3
V vP V
2 2
vP
v V1 v V1
v: AGENT v: AGENT
ϕ: ___ ϕ: val 1
LF: NP 1 is the agent of both matrix and embedded v
(18) Passiv matrix predicate PassP
3
Pass vP
3 v: PASS 3
v VP1 v VP1
v: ___ 3 v: PASS 3
ϕ: val 1 NP.OBJ ϕ: val 1
ACC
V’
3
NP.OBJ
ACC
V’
3
V vP V
2 2
vP
v V1 v V1
v: ___ v: PASS
ϕ: val 1 ϕ: val 1
LF: 1 is the agent of both matrix and embedded v
PF: in voice matching languages both v’s spell out as PASSIVE
6

3.4 Further evidence
v incorporation
• Complex head approaches to restructuring: V—V formation (Geach 1970, Steedman 1985,
Haider 1993, 2003, Hinrichs and Nakezawa 1994, Butt 1995, Kiss 1995, Bouma and Noord
1997, S. Müller 1999, 2002, 2006, Meurers 2000, Saito and Hoshi 2000, Williams 2003)
• Separation of the two verbs as in VP-fronting
(19) [Zu reparieren ] VP wurden nur blaue Autos vergessen
[To repair ] VP were only blue cars forgotten
‘They only forgot to repair blue cars.’ [Wurmbrand 2007: 264]
Default voice in Mayrinax Atayal
(20) a. naqaru.un i t.um.uting ni yumin ku bawaq [Chen 2010: 5]
finish.PV LNK beat.AV.beat GEN Yumin NOM pig
Lit. ‘The pigs were finished to be beaten by Yumin.’
‘Yumin finished beating/killing the pigs.’
b. m.naqru i t.um.uting cu bawaq i yumin [Chen 2010: 7]
AV.finish LNK beat.AV.beat ACC pig NOM Yumin
‘Yumin is finishing beating/killing pigs.’
c. *naqaru.un i tuting.un ni yumin ku bawaq [Chen 2010: 11]
finish.PV LNK beat.PV GEN Yumin NOM pig
d. *m.naqru i tuting.un i yumin cu bawaq [Chen 2010: 11]
AV.finish LNK beat.PV NOM Yumin ACC pig
• Object A’-extraction: only possible if V is marked PV
• Restructuring: object A’-extraction possible, despite AV of embedded V.
(21) a. nanuan ku tuting.un ni yumin Mayrinax Atayal
what NOM beat.PV GEN Yumin
‘What is Yumin beating/killing?’ [Chen 2010: 8]
b. *nanuan ku t.um.uting i yumin
what NOM beat.AV.beat NOM Yumin
c. nanuan ku naqaru.un i t.um.uting ni yumin
what NOM finish.PV LNK beat.AV.beat GEN Yumin
‘What did Yumin finish beating/killing?’
d. *nanuan ku siwal.an ni tali i t.um.uting i yumin
what NOM allow.LV GEN Tali COMP beat.AV.beat NOM Yumin
• Clitics: there are no ACC clitics; in simple clauses, object clitics are only possible when they
are NOM, which in turn requires that the verb occurs in PV
• In restructuring contexts (with clitics), the lower verb must still occur in AV.
7

3.5 ‘Passive’ restructuring and retroactive v
German let ‘passive’ (with Marcel Pitteroff)
(22) a. Ich ließ ihn feuern
I let him.ACC fire.INF
‘I let him fire (something).’
‘I let (someone) fire him.’ ‘He is being fired.’
b. Ich ließ ihn vom Chef feuern
I let him.ACC by.the boss fire
‘I let him be fired by the boss.’ ‘I let the boos fire him.’
(23) VP1 Phase
3
restructuring NP.OBJ V’
ϕ: valued 3
vP V vP SOD
2 2 2
v VP2 {v} V1 {v} VP2
v: ___ v: ___ let @
ϕ: val 1 ϕ: val 1 V t Obj
• Restructuring v; ϕ valued
• No ACC (?), no embedded nonoblique
subject
• v incorporates into matrix V
• phase extension to VP1
• edge movement of object
(24) vP
3
NP 2 v’
3 ϕ: val 2 3
v VP1 v VP1
v: AGENT 3 v: AGENT 3
ϕ: ___ NP.OBJ ϕ: val 2
ACC
V’
3
NP.OBJ
ACC
V’
3
V vP V
2 2
vP
v V1 {v} V1
v: AGENT v: AGENT let
ϕ: val 1 ϕ: val 1
LF: NP 2 is the agent of the matrix predicate, but “1” is the agent of the embedded predicate
Retroactive infinitives/gerunds—preliminary
(25) a. Your hair needs/wants/requires cutting. [Hantson 1984: 95]
% b. This matter needs handling carefully by an expert. “
(26) a. Ta kniha potřebuje přeložit (zkušeným překladatelem) Czech
that book needs translate.INF (experienced translator.INSTR)
‘That book needs translating by an experienced translator.’ [Dotlačil & Šimík 2013: (6)]
b. Ta skladba potřebuje zahrát (??záměrně) velmi pomalu
that song needs play.INF (??intentionally) very slowly
‘It is desirable to play this song intentionally very slowly.’ [D&Š 2013: (23a)]
8

c. Ta kniha byla čtena (záměrně) velmi pomalu
that book was read.PASS (intentionally) very slowly
‘The book was read intentionally very slowly.’
[D&Š 2013: (23b)]
d. Karel potřebuje učesat
Karel needs comb.INF
‘Karel’s hair needs combing.’ [possibly by Karel]
e. Karel byl učesán
Karel was comb.PASS
‘Karel’s hair was combed.’ [Necessarily not by Karel]
[D&Š 2013: (24a)]
[D&Š 2013: (24b)]
Speaker variation and mixed agent properties
• Embedded predicate: (23)—ϕ: valued restructuring v
• Object movement (Dotlačil & Šimík 2013); object associates with another theta-role in the
matrix predicate (some applicative/possessor/benefactive/source meta theta-role)
• APPL v values embedded v; this allows the association of the ϕ-features with an agent-like
interpretation (e.g., allowing an agent-like oblique)
• But: the embedded v is not v: AGENT, and hence is not compatible with properties that are
indicative of an agentive v (such as agentive adverbs); and v: APPL does not assign ACC
• needs washed construction: by phrase also controversial (Brassil 2009, Whitman 2010);
http://microsyntax.sites.yale.edu/needs-washed.
(27) Raising/Control ApplP
3
NP.OBJ Appl’
3 ϕ: val 2 3
Appl VP1 Appl VP1
v: APPL 3 v: APPL 3
ϕ: ___ NP.OBJ ϕ: val 2 t OBJ V’
3
V’
3
V vP V
2 2
vP
v V1 {v} V1
v: APPL need v: APPL need
ϕ: val 1 ϕ: val 1
• Brazilian Portuguese: ϕ-valued restructuring or embedded expletive v?
(28) a. A Maria deixou a criança vacinar
The Mary let the child vaccinate
‘Mary let the child be vaccinated (by someone else).’
[R. Lacerda, p.c.]
b. A criança vacinou expletive v
The child vaccinated
‘The child was vaccinated.’
[R. Lacerda, p.c.]
c. A Maria deixou a criança vacinar *pelo/com o médico novo
The Mary let the child vaccinate *by.the/with the doctor new
‘Mary let the child be vaccinated by the new doctor.’
[R. Lacerda, p.c.]
9

4. Conclusion and further issues
Not covered
• Different types of passive, middles…
• Directions to pursue: configurations given in section 2.2.2 under Excluded configurations?
• Distribution of possible combinations (e.g., why is the class of predicates that allow an anticausative/absolute
construction in BP larger than in English, why are retroactive complements
so restricted? etc. etc.)
Active pro Passive Expletive Restructuring Retroactive
ϕ: unvalued ϕ: valued ϕ: valued ϕ: unvalued ϕ: unvalued ϕ: valued
v: AGENT v: AGENT v valued by Pass v valued by T v valued by v v valued by v
Simple clause
Complex predicate
• Two feature sets for v
• Values determined by lexical properties of v and the syntactic context
• System brings together several (odd) constructions
5. References
Adger, David. 2003. Core Syntax: A Minimalist Approach. Oxford, England: Oxford UP.
Alexiadou, Artemis, and Elena Anagnostopoulou. 1998. Parametrizing AGR: Word order, V-
movement and EPP-checking. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 16.3:491-539.
Baker, Mark. 2008. The syntax of agreement and concord. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Bjorkman, Bronwyn Alma Moore. 2011. BE-ing Default: The Morphosyntax of Auxiliaries.
Doctoral dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, MA.
Bobaljik, Jonathan D., and Susi Wurmbrand. 2005. The domain of agreement. Natural Language
and Linguistic Theory 23.4:809-865.
Bobaljik, Jonathan D., and Susi Wurmbrand. 2013. Suspension across domains. In Distributed
Morphology Today: Morphemes for Morris Halle, ed. by Ora Matushansky and Alec
Marantz, 185-198. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Bošković, Željko. To appear. Now I’m a phase, now I’m not a phase: On the variability of
phases with extraction and ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry.
Bouma, Gosse, and Gertjan van Noord. 1997. Dutch verb clustering without verb clusters. In
Specifying syntactic structures, ed. by Patrick Blackburn and Maarten De Rijke, 213-243.
Stanford, Calif: Center Study Language and Information.
Brassil, Dan. 2009. A middle voice in Appalachian English. Paper presented at the LSA Annual
Meeting.
Butt, Miriam. 1995. The Structure of Complex Predicates in Urdu. Stanford, Calif: CSLI
Publications.
Chen, Tingchun. 2010. Restructuring in Mayrinax Atayal. B. Arts Honours Thesis. Montréal:
McGill University.
10

Chierchia, Gennaro. 1984. Topics in the syntax and semantics of infinitives and gerunds.
Doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
Chung, Sandra. 2004. Restructuring and verb-initial order in Chamorro. Sytnax 7.3:199-233.
Collins, Chris. 2005. A smuggling approach to the passive in English. Syntax 8.2:81-120.
Dikken, Marcel den. 2007. Phase Extension: Contours of a Theory of the Role of Head
Movement in Phrasal Extraction. Theoretical Linguistics 33.1:1-41.
Dikken, Marcel den. 2012a. On feature interpretability and inheritance. Ms., City University.
New York.
Dikken, Marcel den. 2012b. The Phase Impenetrability Condition and successive cyclicity: A
reconsideration. Ms., City University. New York.
Dotlačil, Jakub, and Radek Šimík. 2013. Peeling, structural Case, and Czech retroactive
infinitives. In Formal description of Slavic Languages: The ninth conference, ed. by Uwe
Junghanns, Dorothee Fehrmann, Denisa Lenertová and Hagen Pitsch: Peter Lang.
Geach, Peter Thomas. 1970. A program for syntax. Synthese 22:3–17.
Grønn, Atle, and Arnim von Stechow. 2011. The temporal organisation of indicative
conditionals. Ms. Tübingen.
Haegeman, Liliane, and Terje Lohndal. 2010. Negative Concord and (Multiple) Agree: A Case
Study of West Flemish. Linguistic Inquiry 41.2:181-211.
Haider, Hubert. 1993. Deutsche Syntax—Generativ. Tübingen: Gunter Narr Verlag.
Haider, Hubert. 2003. V-clustering and clause union: Causes and effects. In Verb constructions
in German and Dutch, ed. by Pieter Seuren and Gerard Kempen, 91-126.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Hantson, André. 1984. Towards an analysis of retroactive gerunds. In Sentential
complementation: Proceedings of the international conference held at UFSAL, Brussels
(June 1983), ed. by Wim de Geest and Yvan Putsey, 95-103. Dordrecht: Foris
Publications.
Hicks, Glyn. 2009. The derivation of anaphoric relations. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John
Benjamins.
Hinrichs, Erhard, and Tsuneko Nakezawa. 1994. Linearizing finite AUX in German verbal
complexes. In German in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar, ed. by John
Nerbonne, Klaus Netter and Carl Pollard, 11-38. Stanford, Calif: CSLI Publications.
Kiss, Tibor. 1995. Infinite Komplementation: Neue Studien zum deutschen Verbum infinitum.
Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag.
Kratzer, Angelika. 1996. Severing the external argument from its verb. In Phrase structure and
the lexicon, ed. by Johan Rooryck and Laurie Zaring, 109-137. Dordrecht: Kluwer
Academic Publishers.
Legate, Julie Anne. 2010. The structure of agents in implicit passives. Talk given at the 41st
annual meeting of the North East Linguistics Society, Philadelphia.
Legate, Julie Anne. 2012. Subjects in Acehnese and the nature of the passive. Language
88.3:495-525.
Merchant, Jason. 2011. Aleut case matters. In Pragmatics and Autolexical Grammar: In honor of
Jerry Sadock, ed. by Etsuyo Yuasa Yuasa, Tista Bagchi and Katharine P. Beals, 382-411.
Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Meurers, Walt Detmar. 2000. Lexical generalizations in the syntax of German non-finite
constructions. Doctoral dissertation, University of Tübingen.
11

Müller, Stefan. 1999. Deutsche Syntax deklarativ: Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar für
das Deutsche. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag.
Müller, Stefan. 2002. Complex predicates: Verbal complexes, resultatitve constructions and
particle verbs in German. Stanford, Calif: CSLI Publications.
Müller, Stefan. 2006. Complex predicates. In Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics. 2nd
Edition, ed. by Keith Brown, 697–704. Oxford: Elsevier.
Neeleman, Ad, and Hans van de Koot. 2002. The configurational matrix. Linguistic Inquiry
33.4:529-574.
Negrão, Esmeralda, and Evani Viotti. 2010. A estrutura sintática das sentenças absolutas no
português brasileiro. Revista Linguística da ALFAL:37-58.
Saito, Mamoru, and Hiroto Hoshi. 2000. The Japanese light verb construction and the Minimalist
Program. In Step by step: Essays on minimalist syntax in honor of Howard Lasnik, ed. by
Roger Martin, David Michaels and Juan Uriagereka, 261-295. Cambridge, MA: MIT
Press.
Schäfer, Florian. 2008. The syntax of (anti-)causatives: External arguments in change-of-state
contexts. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Steedman, Mark. 1985. Dependency and coördination in the grammar of Dutch and English.
Language 61.3:523-568.
Whitman, Neal. 2010. Special Needs. In Literal-Minded.
[http://literalminded.wordpress.com/2010/01/29/special-needs/].
Williams, Edwin. 2003. Representation theory. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Wu, Hsiao-hung Iris. 2013. Restructuring and Clause Structure in Isbukun Bunun. Oceanic
Linguistics 52.1:36-52.
Wurmbrand, Susi. 2001. Infinitives: Restructuring and clause structure. Berlin/New York:
Mouton de Gruyter.
Wurmbrand, Susi. 2007. How complex are complex predicates? Syntax 10:243-288.
Wurmbrand, Susi. 2013a. QR and selection: Covert evidence for phasehood. In Proceedings of
the North Eastern Linguistics Society Annual Meeting 42, ed. by Stefan Keine and
Shayne Sloggett, 277-290. Amherst: University of Massachusetts, GLSA.
Wurmbrand, Susi. 2013b. Stripping and topless complements. Ms., University of Connecticut.
Storrs.
Wurmbrand, Susi. To appear. The Merge Condition: A syntactic approach to selection. In
Minimalism and Beyond: Radicalizing the interfaces, ed. by Peter Kosta, Lilia Schürcks,
Steven Franks and Teodora Radev-Bork. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Zeijlstra, Hedde. 2012. There is only one way to Agree. The Linguistic Review 29.3:491–539.
susanne.wurmbrand@uconn.edu
http://wurmbrand.uconn.edu
12