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The lengthened grade in Indo-European<br />

Thematic Conference (Arbeitstagung)<br />

of the Society for Indo-European Studies (Indogermanische Gesellschaft)<br />

Leiden, July 29-31, 2013<br />

Sponsored by:

Contents<br />

Introduction …… p. 3<br />

Addresses …….p. 4<br />

<strong>Programme</strong> …… p. 5<br />

Abstracts …… p. 8<br />

Topics for the Round Table discussion …… p. 44<br />


Introduction<br />

In the off-years of the four-yearly General Conference (Fachtagung) of the Society for Indo-<br />

European Studies, a thematic conference is hosted by a different university each year. The<br />

Leiden University Centre for Linguistics (LUCL) and its Chair of Comparative Indo-<br />

European Studies are grateful to the Society for granting the organization of the 2013<br />

Thematic Conference to Leiden. The conference will be held from 29 to 31 July.<br />

The topic of the meeting will be the lengthened grade, that is, the long vowels *ē and *ō of<br />

Proto-Indo-European. The origin and the phonetics of these vowels, as well as the<br />

grammatical functions which they had, are still very much disputed. The main aim of this<br />

conference is to make explicit on which points scholars of Indo-European agree and disagree<br />

in their interpretation of the available evidence.<br />

We are happy to see that our call for papers has been answered by many scholars from around<br />

the world, young and old, who are engaged in reconstructing the linguistic past of the Indo-<br />

European languages. The programme contains talks on all of the main branches of Indo-<br />

European, and on a wide variety of theoretical questions concerning the phonology and<br />

morphology of Proto-Indo-European. The conference will be closed by a Round Table<br />

Discussion, in which the main themes and various positions which one may take towards<br />

them will be debated by an expert panel. A selection of topics to be discussed by the panel can<br />

be found at the end of this booklet.<br />

This conference was preceded by the 8 th Leiden Summer School in Languages and Linguistics<br />

(15–26 July), which features Indo-European programmes for beginners and for advanced<br />

students, as well as specialized courses in various Indo-European branches.<br />

The organisation of this conference has been sponsored by Leiden University Fund (LUF),<br />

Brill Publishers, and the Leiden University Centre for Linguistics.<br />

Lucien van Beek<br />

Alwin Kloekhorst<br />

Alexander Lubotsky<br />

Michiel de Vaan<br />

Leiden, July 2013<br />


Addresses<br />

Academy Building (all lectures): Rapenburg 67-73, Leiden. Reception: 071 527 1210.<br />

Lipsius Building (lunch): Cleveringaplaats 1, Leiden. Reception: 071 527 2300 or 2500.<br />

Arsenaal Building (final dinner): Arsenaalstraat 1, Leiden. Phone: 071 527 2524/2539.<br />

Town Hall (reception on Tuesday): Stadhuisplein 1, Leiden. We will walk there together from<br />

the Academy Building after the final lecture on Tuesday afternoon.<br />

We will also walk together to the boat trip on Monday afternoon.<br />

For a convenient map of Leiden city centre, see the website of the Leiden Visitor Centre:<br />

http://portal.leiden.nl/uploads/tekstblok/vcl_kaart2012_def.pdf.<br />


<strong>Programme</strong><br />

Sunday, July 28<br />

17:00 – 19:00 informal “meet and greet” with drinks and possibility to have dinner<br />

(Grand Café Van Buuren, Stationsweg 7)<br />

Monday, July 29<br />

08:30 – 09:45: Welcome and registration, Academy Building<br />

09:45 – 10:00: Opening<br />

Session 1: Indo-Iranian I<br />

10:00 – 10:30 Kümmel: The lengthened grade in the nominative singular<br />

10:30 – 11:00 Ittzés: Temporal augment and vr̥ ddhi-derivation in Indo-Iranian<br />

Coffee break: 11:00 – 11:20<br />

Session 2: Indo-Iranian II<br />

11:20 – 11:50 Kortlandt: Sigmatic and asigmatic long vowel preterit forms<br />

11:50 – 12:20 Dahl: Derivational modality? The rise (and fall) of the lengthened grade as a<br />

subjunctive marker in Vedic<br />

12:20 – 12:50 Šefčík: The fourth makes it whole? The reduced lengthened ablaut grade in Old<br />

Indo-Aryan<br />

Lunch break: 12:50 – 14:10<br />

Session 3: IE ablaut and root structure<br />

14:10 – 14:40 Melchert: “Narten formations” versus “Narten roots”<br />

14:40 – 15:10 Höfler: Notes on three “acrostatic” neuter s-stems<br />

15:10 – 15:40 Nielsen Whitehead: Root-structure and the occurrence of full and lengthened<br />

grade in PIE root nouns<br />

Tea break: 15:40 – 16:00<br />

Session 4: IE ablaut<br />

16:00 – 16:30 Gąsiorowski: Another long grade: Non-canonical ablaut involving PIE *ā<br />

16:30 – 17:00 Litscher: The Nominative Singular of *eh₂- and *ih₂- Stems<br />

17:00 – 17:30 Oettinger: Zu langstufigen Bildungen des Indogermanischen<br />

Evening programme: 18:15 – 19:15 Leiden round trip by boat<br />

Dinner (on own initiative): for information about restaurants, ask the organisation<br />


Tuesday, July 30<br />

Session 1: Various Topics<br />

09:30 – 10:00 Blažek: On the lengthening of verbal bases in Indo-European in an Afroasiatic<br />

perspective<br />

10:00 – 10:30 Panagl: ‘Expressive lengthening’ – linguistic reality or strange nightmare?<br />

10:30 – 11:00 Bichlmeier: Dehnstufen in der ‚Alteuropäischen Hydronymie’?<br />

Coffee break: 11:00 – 11:20<br />

Session 2: Greek and Slavic<br />

11:20 – 11:50 Steer: Zur Etymologie von griechisch κῆλα ‚Pfeile, Geschosse‘<br />

11:50 – 12:20 Willi: Ares the Ripper: From Stang’s Law to long-diphthong roots<br />

12:20 – 12:50 Reinhart: The derivation of Slavic imperfective verbs with lengthened grade<br />

Lunch break: 12:50 – 14:10<br />

Session 3: Balto-Slavic<br />

14:10 – 14:40 Yamazaki: Some Notes on the 3rd Person Future Forms in Lithuanian<br />

14:40 – 15:10 Villanueva Svensson: Tone variation among Baltic ia-presents<br />

15:10 – 15:40 Matasović: The accentuation of Balto-Slavic Vr̥ ddhi formations and the origin<br />

of the acute<br />

Tea break: 15:40 – 16:00<br />

Session 4: Tocharian and Albanian<br />

16:00 – 16:30 Hyllested: Unexpected lengthened grade in Albanian<br />

16:30 – 17:00 Malzahn: Surprise at length of Tocharian nouns<br />

17:00 – 17:30 Pinault: The lengthened grade in Tocharian nominal morphology<br />

Evening programme: 17:45 – 18:45 Reception by the mayor at the Town Hall<br />

Dinner (on own initiative): for information about restaurants, ask the organisation<br />


Wednesday, July 31<br />

Session 1: Germanic<br />

10:00 – 10:30 Lühr: The lengthened grade in Germanic hypocoristica<br />

10:30 – 11:00 Kroonen: Analogical lengthened grades in the Proto‐Germanic strong verbs<br />

Coffee break: 11:00 – 11:20<br />

Session 2: Szemerényi’s Law I<br />

11:20 – 11:50 Byrd: Accounting for the Absence of Expected Lengthened Grade:<br />

Szemerényi’s Law in Word-Medial Position<br />

11:50 – 12:20 Sandell: On the Phonetics and Phonology of Stang’s and Szemerényi’s Laws<br />

12:20 – 12:50 Keydana: Lengthened grade in Vedic root nouns: Szemerényi's Law and some<br />

of its implications<br />

Lunch break: 12:50 – 14:10<br />

Session 3: Szemerényi’s Law II<br />

14:10 – 14:40 Sukač: Szemerényi’s law and related issues<br />

14:40 – 15:10 Piwowarczyk: The Proto-Indo-European *-VTs# clusters and the formulation<br />

of Szemerényi’s Law<br />

15:10 – 15:40 Pronk: Szemerényi’s law: a critical survey of the evidence<br />

Tea break: 15:40 – 16:00<br />

Session 4: 16:00 – 17:00 Round Table<br />

16:00 – 17:00 Round Table discussion (Kortlandt, Kümmel, Pinault)<br />

Evening programme: 18:30 – end Final Dinner (Arsenaal building)<br />


Abstracts<br />


Dehnstufen in der ‚Alteuropäischen Hydronymie’?<br />

Harald Bichlmeier, Sächsische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Arbeitsstelle Jena<br />

Erst seit kurzem gibt es Bemühungen, die Forschungen zur ‚Alteuropäischen Hydronymie’<br />

auf das heute in der Indogermanistik übliche Niveau zu heben. Im Rahmen dieser<br />

Bemühungen sind auch einige Flussnamen in die Diskussion geraten, für die auch einmal die<br />

Möglichkeit in Betracht gezogen wurde, dass die rekonstruierte Vorform eine Dehnstufe<br />

enthalten haben könnte. Es sind dies u.a. die Flussnamen Sawa (in Polen) sowie die Naab in<br />

Nord-Ost-Bayern. In die Diskussion mit aufgenommen werden müssen auch die<br />

Namensvetterin des polnischen Flusses, die Sava/Save sowie der morphologisch parallel<br />

gebaute Name der Drava/Drau.<br />

Der Name der Sava/Save könnte eine Dehnstufe enthalten haben. Wenn der Name<br />

aber, was wahrscheinlich ist, parallel zu dem der Drava/Drau gebaut war, ist dies abzulehen.<br />

War die Bildung indes tatsächlich dehnstufig, lag also eine alte Vr̥ ddhi-Ableitung vor, müsste<br />

die ursprüngliche Bedeutung kollektivisch ‚Gebiet entlang des Flusses’ o.ä. bedeutet haben.<br />

Die Benennung des Gebiets müsste dann sekundär auf den Fluss übertragen worden sein.<br />

Gleiches gilt mithin zunächst für die polnische Sawa. Da aber für den polnischen Flussnamen<br />

die Erklärung mittels einer romanischen Zwischenstufe entfällt, bleibt die genannte<br />

Möglichkeit einer Vr̥ ddhi-Ableitung bestehen, die Übertragung der Bezeichnung vom Gebiet<br />

entlang des Flusslaufs auf den Fluss selbst muss in Kauf genommen werden.<br />

Ausgeschlossen werden kann jedoch, dass der slawische Langvokal automatisch bei<br />

der Übernahme ins Slawische aus einem alten Kurzvokal entstanden ist (so Udolph 2007 im<br />

Gefolge älterer Arbeiten).<br />

Auch für die oberpfälzische Naab wurde schon eine dehnstufige Bildung angenommen<br />

(Bammesberger 2001/2002): Es sei späturidg. *nōb h -ā- > kelt. *nōbā- anzusetzen. Dem<br />

widerspricht in diesem Falle jedoch die Mundartform des Flussnamens in den Ortsdialekten,<br />

die [nọ̄ ] lautet: Diese Form kann nur aus sekundär in offener Silbe gedehntem Kurzvokal ahd.<br />

mhd. -a- entstanden sein: Die mutmaßlich aus dem Keltischen ins Westgermanische<br />

übernommene Form des Namens muss also einen Kurvokal gehabt haben, es ist späturidg.<br />

*nob h ā- anzusetzen.<br />

Dehnstufen können in der ‚Alteuropäischen Hydronymie’ nur in den seltensten Fällen<br />

sicher nachgewiesen werden. Wenn sie vorliegen, sind jedoch in unterschiedlichem Maße<br />

Zusatzannahmen besonders hinsichtlich der Semantik zur Erklärung notwendig.<br />

Literatur in Auswahl:<br />

Bammesberger, Alfred (2001/2002): Der Name der Amper: Eine Nachlese. In: Blätter für<br />

oberdeutsche Namenforschung 38/39, S. 47–51.<br />

Bichlmeier, Harald (2010): Moderne Indogermanistik vs. traditionelle Namenkunde, Teil 3:<br />

Traun, Raab und Auders. In: Österreichische Namenforschung 38, 2010, S. 104–113.<br />

Bichlmeier, Harald (2011a): Einige grundsätzliche Überlegungen zum Verhältnis von<br />

Indogermanistik und voreinzelsprachlicher resp. alteuropäischer Namenkunde mit einigen<br />

Fallbeispielen (Moderne Indogermanistik vs. traditionelle Namenkunde, Teil 1). In:<br />

Namenkundliche Informationen 95/96, 2009[2011], S. 173–208.<br />

Bichlmeier, Harald (2011b): Moderne Indogermanistik vs. traditionelle Namenkunde, Teil 2 –<br />

Save, Drau, Zöbern. In: Ziegler, Arne / Windberger-Heidenkummer, Erika (Hgg.):<br />

Methoden der Namenforschung. Methodologie, Methodik und Praxis. [= Akten der 6.<br />

Tagung des Arbeitskreises für bayerisch-österreichische Namenforschung (ABÖN), Graz,<br />

12.–15.5.2010] Berlin: Akademie Verlag 2011, S. 63–87.<br />


Bichlmeier, Harald (2012): Einige ausgewählte Probleme der alteuropäischen Hydronymie<br />

aus Sicht der modernen Indogermanistik – Ein Plädoyer für eine neue Sicht auf die Dinge.<br />

In: Acta Linguistica Lithuanica 66, 2012, S. 11–47.<br />

Bichlmeier, Harald (2013): Bayerisch-österreichische Orts- und Gewässernamen aus indogermanistischer<br />

Sicht – Teil 3: Zusammenfassung bisheriger Forschungsergebnisse zu altbayerischen<br />

Flussnamen sowie einige indogermanistische Anmerkungen zu den<br />

Flussnamen Ammer/Amper und Naab. In: Simbeck, Katrin / Winner, Martina (Hgg.):<br />

Namen in Altbayern. (Regensburger Studien zur Namenforschung 8) Regensburg: vulpes<br />

2013. (im Druck)<br />

ESSZI: Snoj, Marko (2009): Etimološki slovar slovenskih zemljepisnih imen. Ljubljana.<br />

Udolph, Jürgen (2007): Alteuropa in Kroatien: Der Name der Sava/Save. In: Folia<br />

Onomastica Croatica 12-13, 2003-2004[2007], S. 523-548.<br />


On the lengthening of verbal bases in Indo-European in an Afroasiatic perspective<br />

Václav Blažek, Masaryk University, Brno<br />

In morphology of the Indo-European verb following formations operate with the lengthened<br />

root vowel:<br />

1a. *C 1 ḗC 2 - acrodynamic root present in singular of indicative/injunctive active (LIV 14).<br />

1b. *C 1 ḗC 2 -s- sigmatic aorist in singular of indicative/injunctive active (LIV 20).<br />

2. *C 1 ṓC 2 -i̯ e- causative-iterative with the suffix -i̯ e/o- forming also present (LIV 23, 19).<br />

Note: C 1 = (s)T(R), C 2 = (R)T, R = i̯ , u̯ , l, r, m, n.<br />

(i) The Indo-European lengthened singular of present & sigmatic aorist in -ē- corresponds to<br />

the Beja (North Cushitic) lengthened singular present in -ī-.<br />

√-dir- "to kill":<br />

1.sg. andī́r, 2.sg.m. té-n-dīr-a, 2.sg.f. té-n-dīr-i, 3.sg.m. e-n-dī́r, 3.sg.f. te-n-dī́r;<br />

1.pl. nḗ-dír, 2.pl. tē-dír-na, 3.pl. ē-dír-na.<br />

√-dibil- "to twine, collect, gather":<br />

1.sg. a-dambı̄́l, 2.sg.m. dámbı̄ l-a, 2.sg.f. dámbı̄l-i, 3.sg.m.f. dambı̄́l;<br />

1.pl. ne-dabíl, 2.pl. te-dabíl-na, 3.pl. e-dabíl-na.<br />

(ii) The Indo-European lengthened ō-causative-iterative is formally comparable with the<br />

Afroasiatic intensive formations in -ā-:<br />

Lengthening in frequentative / intensive in Beja, which is used, if a transitive verb has a plural<br />

object:<br />

√-dir- "to kill" vs. frequentative / intensive √-dār- "to massacre, cause carnage"<br />

perfect: 1.sg. a-dā́ r, 2.sg.m. te-dā́ r-a, 2.sg.f. te-dā́ r-i, 3.sg.m. e-dā́ r, 3.sg.f. te-dā́ r;<br />

1.pl. ne-dā́ r, 2.pl. te-dā́ r-na, 3.pl. te-dā́ r-na.<br />

√-dibil- "to twine, collect, gather" vs. frequentative -dābil-:<br />

perfect: 1.sg. a-dā́ bil, 2.sg.m. te-dā́ bil-a, 2.sg.f. te-dā́ bil-i, 3.sg.m. e-dā́ bil, 3.sg.f. te-dā́ bil;<br />

1.pl. ne-dā́ bil, 2.pl. te-dā́ bil-na, 3.pl. te-dā́ bil-na.<br />

ā-present in East Cushitic:<br />

Somali yi-mād-da "he comes" : yi-mid "he came"<br />

Semitic conative: Arabic qātala "he tried to kill", Geez taqātala "killed one another, maked<br />

war".<br />

Berber: Tuareg of Ahaggar impf. ikrǝs "ties" (*yakris) : perf. intensive ikrâs (*yukrâs): impf.<br />

positive intensive ikârräs (*yikârras);<br />

Chadic: Daffo (West Chadic) mwaát "dies" : mot "died"; shwaáh "drinks" : shoh "drank;<br />

Sokoro (East Chadic) nā bā "I go" : nā bē "I went".<br />


Accounting for the Absence of Expected Lengthened Grade:<br />

Szemerényi’s Law in Word-Medial Position<br />

Andrew Miles Byrd, University of Kentucky<br />

Szemerényi’s Law (SzL), as is well known, was a phonological process of consonant loss<br />

with subsequent compensatory lengthening (CL) in word-final position, reconstructed for<br />

early PIE. While typically cited as a rule of s-loss, Szemerényi (1970) also recognized this<br />

process to include laryngeals as target consonants, which we may conceive as taking part in a<br />

more general process of fricative deletion.<br />

In this paper I will demonstrate that SzL not only targeted those segments in wordfinal<br />

position; it also targeted them word-medially. Cf. *u̯ erh 1 d h h 1 o- > Lat. verbum, Hesych.<br />

ért h ei ‘speaks’. Of course, such laryngeal deletion is usually attributed to the CHCC > CCC<br />

rule. However, there are a number of strong counterexamples (*ḱerh 2 srom > Lat. cerebrum<br />

‘brain’), and as I have argued on multiple occasions, the CHCC > CCC rule was rather<br />

PH.CC > P.CC (where P = obstruent), driven by violations of syllable structure.<br />

SzL ceased to be a productive rule within late PIE, as evidenced by the<br />

reconstructability of *g w énh 2 ‘woman’, *wih 1 roms, *sals ‘salt’ and *séms ‘one’. It is in this<br />

way that the on-again, off-again reconstructability of laryngeal loss in the sequence RH$<br />

(with < $ > marking a syllable boundary) may be directly explained. But if this truly were<br />

SzL, should we not find lengthened grade in the initial syllables of a form such as **u̯ ērd h h 1 o-<br />

(< *u̯ erh 1 d h h 1 o-)? It will be argued that no CL occurs due to the (P)IE tendency to avoid<br />

superheavy syllables (syllables consisting of more than two morae) in medial position,<br />

resulting in the loss of a mora. This tendency also underlies Schwebeablaut, Osthoff’s Law,<br />

the replacement of certain e-grade oblique stems with ø-grade forms, and Sievers’ Law.<br />


Derivational modality? The rise (and fall) of the lengthened grade as a subjunctive<br />

marker in Vedic<br />

Eystein Dahl, University of Bergen<br />

This paper explores the use of the lengthened grade in the so-called strong endings in the<br />

Vedic middle subjunctive paradigm. The inherited 1 st dual and plural middle subjunctive<br />

forms of the type sacāvahe, yajāmahe were replaced by innovative forms like sacāvahai,<br />

yajāmahai which probably arose by analogical influence from 1 st singular middle subjunctive<br />

forms such as sacai, yajai. The paradigm resulting from this process raises a number of<br />

intriguing questions with regard to how the innovative subjunctive forms were generated<br />

synchronically. Specifically, there is an obvious apophonical relationship between forms like<br />

yaje, yajase, yajate etc. on the one hand and yajai, yajāsai, yajātai etc. on the other, the latter<br />

forms ultimately seeming to represent a kind of double vṛddhi-derivation which affects the<br />

penultimate as well as the last syllable. This use of apophony in the verbal paradigm is<br />

remarkable, as processes of this kind, particularly the alternation between full grade and<br />

lengthened grade, mostly serves to affect the derivational base, cf. e.g. so-called Narten<br />

presents like stauti/stavat or sigmatic aorists like ajais/jeṣat. Given the systematic<br />

correspondences between the subjunctive and the indicative in the middle paradigm, it is<br />

significant that the active paradigm of the subjunctive has a far less obvious or systematic<br />

relation to the indicative. From this perspective, the apparent rise in Vedic of a secondary type<br />

of derivational modality employing the lengthened grade as a subjunctive marker seems to<br />

have resulted in a split in the subjunctive paradigm, whereby the active subparadigm was<br />

generated by means of one more or less coherent set of rules while the middle subparadigm<br />

was generated by one simple derivational rule. These two factors, the paradigm split and the<br />

synchronically exceptional derivation pattern of the middle subjunctive forms, may ultimately<br />

have caused the subjunctive to disappear.<br />


Another long grade: Non-canonical ablaut involving Proto-Indo-European *ā<br />

Piotr Gąsiorowski, Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań<br />

The only undisputed source of PIE a-vocalism is *e coloured by an adjacent *h 2 . Assuming<br />

the archaic character of Narten ablaut (*ḗ : *é), and the resistance of long *ē to colouring, we<br />

can expect cases of *h 2 ēC-/*h 2 aC- and *Cēh 2 -/*Cah 2 - (> *ēC-/*aC-, *Cē-/*Cā-). Such an<br />

analysis does not predict alternations like *CāC-/*CaC-, which are nevertheless supported by<br />

the comparative evidence (e.g. *u̯ ā́ ĝ- /*u̯ áĝ- ‘break’). They are difficult to explain with the<br />

help of the laryngeal theory alone, or require questionable assumptions.<br />

I shall argue that the *ā́ : *á alternation is not a secondary effect of laryngeal colouring<br />

but an inherited pattern akin to *ḗ : *é (as well as *ó : *é), and deserves to be treated as a<br />

separate subtype of full-vowel ablaut. I shall try to provide examples of this pattern, define<br />

morphophonological constraints on its occurrence, and criteria for deciding which instances<br />

of *ā : *a are due to it rather than some secondary source of a-vocalism.<br />

Selected bibliography:<br />

Beekes, Robert S. P. 1988. PIE. RHC- in Greek and other languages. Indogermanische<br />

Forschungen 93, 22-45.<br />

Jasanoff, Jay H. 2003. Hittite and the Indo-European verb. Oxford: OUP.<br />

Kümmel, Martin Joachim. 1998. Wurzelpräsens neben Wurzelaorist im Indogermanischen.<br />

Historische Sprachforschung 111, 191-208.<br />

Lubotsky, Alexander. 1989. Against a Proto-Indo-European phoneme *a. In: Theo<br />

Vennemann (ed.), The new sound of Indo-European: essays in phonological<br />

reconstructions, Berlin–New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 53-66.<br />

Schindler, Jochem. 1972. L’Apophonie des nom-racines en indo-européen. Bulletin de la<br />

société de lin istiq e de Paris 67, 31-68.<br />

de Vaan, Michiel. 2004. ‘Narten’ roots from the Avestan point of view. In: Adam Hyllested,<br />

Anders Richardt Jørgensen, Jenny Helena Larsson & Thomas Olander (eds.), Per<br />

Aspera Ad Asteriscos. Studia Indogermanica in honorem Jens Elmegard Rasmussen<br />

sexagenarii Idibus Martiis anno MMIV, Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur<br />

Sprachwissenschaft, 591-599.<br />


Notes on three “acrostatic” neuter s-stems<br />

Stefan Höfler, University of Vienna<br />

The neuter s-stem nouns usually reflect full grade in the root throughout the whole paradigm,<br />

whereas the suffix shows ablaut from o-grade in the nom.-acc. sg. to e-grade in the oblique<br />

stem. Based on his interpretation of different relic forms, Schindler (1975) argued that this<br />

paradigm (e.g. *u̯ ék u̯ -os : *u̯ ék u̯ -es- ʻword, speechʼ) replaced an older proterokinetic pattern<br />

(e.g. *u̯ ék u̯ -s : *u̯ k u̯ -és-). Even though some aspects of his argumentation have been criticized<br />

until recently, Schindler’s assumptions remain the basis for today’s communis opinio<br />

concerning the ablaut pattern of neuter s-stem nouns.<br />

At the end of his article, Schindler mentioned that there could have been s-stems of the<br />

acrostatic type B (i.e. R(ḗ)-S(z) : R(é)-S(z)-) as well, citing forms that reflect lengthened grade<br />

in the root and pairs with root vowel alternations. Schindler’s mere floating the possibility of<br />

their existence has consequently led to a broad acceptance of this type of neuter s-stems<br />

among many scholars to this day. In 1994, Schindler then suggested the existence of “Narten”<br />

roots – roots that show a systematic ablaut ē/ĕ in verbal and nominal formations instead of the<br />

common ĕ/z pattern, thus offering an alternative explanation for long-vowel s-stems. While<br />

some of his examples have been convincingly explained without the concept of “Narten”<br />

roots, the mystery of “acrostatic” s-stems remains widely unsolved.<br />

Taking a closer look at three of the most interesting examples (PIE *mḗd-os, *sḗd-os<br />

and *h 1 ḗd-os), this paper shall question both the concept of “acrostatic” neuter s-stems and the<br />

role of “Narten” roots in their respect. The aim of this paper is to examine the different<br />

possible explanations for the three s-stems, and, in a broader perspective, the parallel nominal<br />

and verbal formations of the underlying roots, and thus to re-evaluate the phenomenon of<br />

long-vowel s-stems.<br />


Unexpected lengthened grade in Albanian<br />

Adam Hyllested, University of Copenhagen<br />

Unexpected and otherwise undocumented lengthened grade shows up in Albanian in an<br />

unusually large number of cases when compared to the other Indo-European branches. While<br />

it is of course possible that the PIE lengthened grade stayed productive and developed a wider<br />

use in Pre-Proto-Albanian (as already suggested by Jokl 1916), the attested Albanian forms in<br />

fact do not seem to reveal any clear functional patterns. Most cases are therefore assigned<br />

individual explanations (to the extent that they are explained at all). The verb vesh ‘wear, put<br />

on’, for example, seemingly from *u̯ ōs-, has been identified as a “Narten-root”, while Huld<br />

(1984) asserts as the source and old causative *u̯ os-eie- where *o > *a that regularly<br />

undergoes umlaut to -e-.<br />

The long vowel in njoh ‘to know’ is supposed to either reflect < *ĝnēh₃-skō with<br />

lengthened grade analogical from the s-aorist, or the outcome of a zero-grade *ĝn̥ h₃-skō.<br />

Among nominal forms, derë ‘door’ has been interpreted as an old collective *d h u̯ ōr-h₂, a<br />

solution which, although perhaps not immediately compelling in either case, could apply to<br />

dorë ‘hand’ as well (if from *ĝ h ēsr̥ -h₂; Huld 1984, Jens Elmegård Rasmussen p.c.). While<br />

possible, hardly any of the morphological explanations are valid for more than a couple of<br />

items each, and none of them can therefore clarify why particularly Albanian displays so<br />

many cases of secondary lengthened grade both among its verbal and nominal forms.<br />

A phonological explanation for dorë going back to Haebler 1967 has proven<br />

increasingly popular (embraced by most recent works such as Demiraj 1997, Orel 2000, de<br />

Vaan 2004, Matzinger 2006, Vermeer 2008, Matasović 2012), namely that -o- reflects<br />

compensatory lengthening arisen by the loss of -s- in the old consonant cluster: *ĝ h esr- ><br />

*ĝ h ēr- > *dēr- > *dōr- > dor-. In this paper I will try to show that phonological explanations<br />

are indeed preferable in most cases where Albanian deviates from other IE languages, and that<br />

there is no need to assert an increased morphological productivity of the lengthened grade in<br />

Pre-Proto-Albanian.<br />

Crucially, unexpected lengthening occurs almost exclusively preceding consonant<br />

clusters, very often heavy ones (consisting of three consonants or more) where at least one<br />

consonant has disappeared. Thus, we can assert compensatory lengthening applying to e.g.<br />

boj ‘to drive, to mate’ < PPAlb. *bāgnja- < PIE *b h eg w - ‘to run’; huaj ‘foreign, strange’ <<br />

PPAlb. *ksōnwja- < PIE *ksen-u̯ -; korrë ‘harvest’ < PPAlb. *kārsnā- < PIE *kerts-neh₂; quaj<br />

‘call, give a name’ < PPAlb. *klōusnja- < PIE *kleu̯ s-; sorrë ‘crow’ < PPAlb. *čārsnā- < PIE<br />

*k w ers-neh₂; shoh ‘to see’ < *sāska- < PIE *sek w -skō; thom ‘to say’ < PPAlb. *tsānsmi < PIE<br />

*kens-; and zorrë ‘gut’ < PPAlb. *džārnā- < PIE *g w erh₃-neh₂.<br />

The possibility remains that at least some of the relevant forms never had long vowels<br />

in the first place. Alb. e is already known to be one regular (conditioned) outcome of PIE *e,<br />

and *o via umlaut. The case of shoh ‘to see’ is particularly interesting in this respect since a)<br />

the lengthened grade is morphologically odd in -sḱ-presents; b) a sequence *-k w -sḱ- was<br />

probably already reduced to *-sḱ- in PIE (cf. *pr̥ sḱō < *pr̥ k-sḱō ‘ask’); and (c), in fact we find<br />

no other examples of -e- following sh < PIE *s.<br />

References:<br />

Demiraj, Bardhyl, 1997: Albanische Etymologien. Untersuchungen zum Albanischen<br />

Erbwortschatz. Amsterdam / Atlanta: Rodopi.<br />

Haebler, Claus, 1967: Review of Hamp. – Die Sprache 13: 79-84.<br />

Hamp, Eric, 1966: “The Position of Albanian”. – Henrik Birnbaum & Jaan Puhvel: Ancient<br />

Indo-European Dialects.University of California Press.<br />

Huld, Martin, 1984: Albanian Etymologies. Bloomington: Slavica.<br />


Jokl, Norbert, 1916: Studien zur albanesischen Grammatik 4. Indogermanische Forschungen<br />

37: 199-220.<br />

Matasović, Ranko, 2012: A grammatical sketch of Albanian for students of Indo-European.<br />

Zagreb.<br />

Matzinger, Joachim, 2006: Der Altalbanische Text Mbsuame e Kreshtere (Dottrina cristiana)<br />

des Leke Matrenga von 1592: Eine Einfuhrung in die albanische Sprachwissenschaft.<br />

Dettelbach: J.H. Röll.<br />

Orel, Vladimir, 2000: A concise historical grammar of the Albanian language: reconstruction<br />

of Proto-Albanian. Leiden: Brill.<br />

de Vaan, Michiel, 2004: “PIE *e in Albanian”. – Die Sprache 44, 1: 70-85.<br />

Vermeer, Willem, 2008: “The Prehistory of the Albanian Vowel System: A Preliminary<br />

Exploration”. – Evidence and Counter-evidence. Festschrift Frederik Kortlandt, vol. 1<br />

SSGL 32. Amsterdam / New York: Rodopi. Pp. 591-608.<br />


Temporal augment and vr̥ ddhi-derivation in Indo-Iranian<br />

Máté Ittzés, Eötvös-Loránd-University, Budapest<br />

The paper seeks to answer the question how augmented forms of verb stems with initial i and<br />

u were formed in Old Iranian, i.e. Avestan and Old Persian.<br />

First, the Old Indo-Aryan rule of temporal augment will be shortly described, which<br />

consists in the vr̥ ddhi of the initial vowel. However, such a general rule cannot be assumed for<br />

Old Iranian (or Proto-Indo-Iranian), since it has to be interpreted as an inner-OIA<br />

development. Unfortunately, no relevant Avestan and Old Persian forms are directly attested.<br />

In OIA the treatment of the initial vowel in augmented forms is parallel to the rule<br />

observed in nominal vr̥ ddhi-derivation. It can be assumed that a similar parallism existed in<br />

the Old Iranian languages. Nominal vr̥ ddhi is relatively well known in Avestan, i.e. simple<br />

vowels are replaced by guṇa and guṇa vowels probably by vr̥ ddhi, although the latter is not<br />

attested. This means that Avestan probably had augmented forms with short (guṇa)<br />

diphthongs.<br />

The exact rules of Old Persian nominal vr̥ ddhi have been unclear. Most scholars<br />

assume that, similarly to OIA, both simple and guṇa vowels were replaced by vr̥ ddhi. Since<br />

there is broad consensus now that, in comparison to OIA, Avestan preserved the original<br />

Proto-Indo-Iranian derivational mechanism, this would have to be regarded as a parallel, but<br />

independent, innovation of OP and OIA. The crucial form is the month name θ-a-i-g-r-č-i-. I<br />

will show that, contrary to the view that the first syllable’s long diphthong (if it is really a<br />

long diphthong) must be the vr̥ ddhi-replacement of the simple vowel i, it may also be<br />

interpreted otherwise (i.e. *θigra- → *θaigraka- → θāigrači-). This means that Old Persian<br />

rather had an Avestan-like rule of vr̥ ddhi-derivation (and thus an Avestan-like temporal<br />

augment).<br />


Lengthened grade in Vedic root nouns: Szemerényi's Law and some of its implications<br />

Götz Keydana, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen<br />

The lengthened grade in the nom.sg. of non-neuter root nouns and some primary derivatives is<br />

often explained as a result of compensatory lengthening. The most prominent case in point is<br />

Szemerényi's Law. In this talk I discuss the methodological premises of this law and look into<br />

possible explanations for the alleged change.<br />

In the first part I show that due to its logical structure Szemerényi's Law is not a sound<br />

law sensu stricto. I then proceed to discuss various phonological scenarios for the law given<br />

in the literature. Compensatory lengthening being the most promising I give a detailed<br />

account of this process in word-final Vrs-sequences. Clusters of this type are indeed prone to<br />

undergo change based on hypocorrection and often resulting in a lengthened preceding vowel.<br />

However, hypocorrection is only possible if the target of the deletion is adjacent to the vowel.<br />

Thus, the only outcome a phonological change can account for is † V̅ s. I propose a solution to<br />

this problem based on a morphophonological repair triggered by recoverability issues and / or<br />

paradigm uniformity. In this scenario, lengthening became opaque and could easily be<br />

reanalyzed, thus starting a new career as a morphological marker for the n.sg.<br />


Sigmatic and asigmatic long vowel preterit forms<br />

Frederik Kortlandt, Leiden University<br />

On various occasions I have argued that sigmatic and asigmatic long vowel preterit forms<br />

originated from monosyllabic lengthening in Proto-Indo-European. This view has generally<br />

been disregarded or misrepresented until Kümmel’s recent article (2012). According to my<br />

view, lengthened grade was originally limited to the 2nd and 3rd sg. active forms of both the<br />

sigmatic and the root aorist injunctive. I have claimed that the original distribution was<br />

essentially preserved in the Vedic sigmatic aorist injunctive, but not in the corresponding<br />

indicative, where lengthened grade was generalized, e.g. 1st sg. jeṣam vs. ajaiṣam, 1st pl.<br />

jeṣma vs. ajaiṣma, also śramiṣma vs. atāriṣma. In the root aorist, lengthened grade was<br />

preserved e.g. in Tocharian B śem ‘came’ < *g w ēm-, lyāka ‘saw’ < *lēǵ-, Latin vēnit, lēgit,<br />

Gothic qemun, Albanian mblodhi, Greek ἔσβη ‘(the fire) went out’ < *-g w ēs-, Vedic āraik<br />

‘left’ < *-lēik w -.<br />

Kümmel (2012) disregards the possibility of an apophonic difference between<br />

injunctive and indicative forms. Starting from the presupposition that the active forms of the<br />

sigmatic aorist always had a lengthened grade root vowel, he has to explain away all contrary<br />

instances. Narten presents are a recent development in Vedic, where the athematic present of<br />

the root stu- is secondary and the oldest paradigms of this root are the thematic middle present<br />

and the active subjunctive. The only lengthened grade forms of this root in the Rgveda are the<br />

injunctive staut (7th maṇḍala) and the imperfect astaut (10th maṇḍala). What was the model<br />

for their creation? I think that it was the monosyllabic form of the root aorist injunctive, which<br />

appears to have been preserved in the indicatives RV akrān, asyān, āraik, acait, aśvait,<br />

adyaut of the roots krand-, syand-, ric-, cit-, śvit- and dyut-.<br />


Analogical lengthened grades in the Proto‐Germanic strong verbs<br />

Guus Kroonen, Copenhagen University<br />

Proto-Germanic had four short vowels, *a, *e, *i, *u, and four long vowels, *ē, *ī, *ō, *ū.<br />

PGm. *ē is traditionally assumed to have had a phonetic value *[ǣ], developing into *ā in<br />

West Germanic and to *ē in Gothic. However, new evidence suggests that *ē functioned as a<br />

secondary lengthened grade of *a in the so-called verbal iterative system. This points to an<br />

original Proto-Germanic pronunciation *[ā].<br />

The Proto-Germanic iterative system consists of a highly productive derivational<br />

pattern with which any full‐grade strong verb could be given a zero‐grade iterative with a<br />

root-final geminate, cf. G schneiden : schnitzen ‘to cut’ (see recently Kroonen 2012). It has in<br />

recent years come to light that the reverse process, i.e. derivation from iteratives to strong<br />

verbs, occurred as well. Back-formed strong verbs typically inherit the geminate of the<br />

iterative (Lühr 1988: 351ff., Kroonen 2011: 106-112). Also, iteratives with u‐vocalism<br />

produced strong verbs with long *ū analogically after verbal pairs with *ī : *i ablaut, cf. G<br />

zauchen : zucken ‘to pull’ (cf. Lat. ducere, ibid. 112-117).<br />

A possibility that has not yet been explored is that some other iterative verbs, namely<br />

those with a-vocalism, may have similarly given rise to their own class of strong verbs. By<br />

assuming that this class, in analogy to those with long *ī and *ū, received a long *ā in their<br />

roots, a number of formally and etymologically intricate formations, e.g. Go. slepan ‘to<br />

sleep’, Go. tekan ‘to take’ and MHG zāfen ‘to tear’, can be satisfactorily accounted for.<br />

Literature:<br />

F. Kortlandt, 2011, Where have all the aorists gone?, Amsterdamer Beiträger zur älteren<br />

Germanistik 67.<br />

G. Kroonen, 2012, Reflections on the o/zero-ablaut of the Germanic iterative verbs. In: H.<br />

Craig Melchert (ed.), The Indo-European Verb, 191-200. Wiesbaden.<br />

G. Kroonen, 2011, The Proto‐Germanic n‐stems. Amsterdam – New York.<br />

R. Lühr, 1988, Expressivität und Lautgesetz im Germanischen. Heidelberg.<br />

D. Ringe, 2006, From Proto‐Indo‐European to Proto‐Germanic. Oxford.<br />


The lengthened grade in the nominative singular<br />

Martin Joachim Kümmel, Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena<br />

The lengthened grade sometimes appears in single forms of nominal paradigms, the best<br />

established case being the nominative singular of athematic paradigms. However, the<br />

explanation of the phenomenon is controversial: One approach assumes that the lengthening<br />

originally came up in forms where *-s was lost after resonants ( “Szemerényi’s law”) and was<br />

only later taken over by other stems (cf., e.g., Szemerényi 1970: 109ff.). Other approaches<br />

doubt such a connexion to the loss of *-s: Rasmussen (1978: 74-79; 1989: 139-142, 251ff.)<br />

assumed a lengthening effect of the original nominative ending **-z, while Beekes (1985:<br />

151-164) rejects any connection with the ending *-s and assumes two different sources:<br />

lengthening before final resonants in originally s-less nominatives, and lengthening in<br />

monosyllables.<br />

For the assessment of the different approaches it is important to keep in mind what<br />

data the reconstructed distribution is based upon. Some reconstructions crucially depend on a<br />

lengthened grade attested in Indo-Iranian; e.g., the reconstruction *djḗws ‘sky; day’ is mainly<br />

based on Vedic dyáuṣ. However, the distribution of lengthened grades and full grades in Indo-<br />

Iranian was strongly affected by the effects of Brugmann’s Law turning many o grades into<br />

synchronic lengthened grades. In this paper I will examine the synchronic distribution and<br />

history of long grade and full grade in Indo-Iranian noun inflection and the consequences of<br />

these findings for the reconstruction of the nominative singular in PIE, It will be argued that<br />

these data support the theory that the lengthened grade originally was in complementary<br />

distribution with overt *-s.<br />

References:<br />

Beekes, Robert S. P. (1985). The Origins of the Indo-European Nominal Inflection Innsbruck.<br />

Rasmussen, Jens Elmegård (1978): Zur Morphophonemik des Urindogermanischen. In:<br />

Collectanea Indoeuropaea I, ed. B. Čop et al., Ljubljana, 59-143.<br />

Rasmussen, Jens Elmegård (1989). Studien zur Morphophonemik der indogermanischen<br />

Grundsprache. Innsbruck.<br />

Szemerényi, Oswald (1970). Einführung in die vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft. Darmstadt.<br />


The Nominative Singular of *eh 2 - and *ih 2 - Stems<br />

Roland Litscher, Universität Zürich<br />

The usual reconstruction of PIE *eh 2 - and *ih 2 -stem nominatives as *-ah 2 (

The lengthened grade in Germanic hypocoristica<br />

Rosemarie Lühr, Humboldt Universität zu Berlin<br />

Among the Germanic n-stems there is a group of nouns which show a lengthened grade *ē,<br />

*ū, *ō followed by long voiced obstruents, MHG tāpe ‘paw’ (*dēbban-), OHG scuobba<br />

‘scale’ (*skōbbōn-). Double voiced obstruents behind long vowels are not due to sound laws.<br />

According to Kluge’s law, only voiceless stops arise from assimilation of n to a preceding<br />

obstruent. Kluge himself explained the variation of single and double obstruents by analogy.<br />

Despite criticisms of these “associationen” by Kauffmann, Lühr, van Helten, Rasmussen, this<br />

view is recently accepted by Kroonen. However, in the case of alternation opacity of<br />

allomorphemes with *þ : *tt resp. *đ : tt, one would rather expect a leveling to *t : *tt. Hence,<br />

another explanation of the long voiced obstruents must be found. In a first step, it has to be<br />

proven whether the connection of long vowels and long voiced stops is compatible with the<br />

Germanic syllable structure. The investigation is based on metrical phonology. The next<br />

investigation step concerns the meaning of the words with lengthened grade and long voiced<br />

stops in Germanic. As sound symbolism and expressivity play an important role in the<br />

Germanic lexicon, it is to be demonstrated to what extent such mental phenomena could have<br />

caused this phonetically odd mixture. Hereby the status of lengthened grades must be settled.<br />

It is posited that the long vowels are inherited in Germanic, but in front of long voiced stops<br />

they have the function to reinforce expressivity. Though the Germanic syllable structure<br />

forbids such super-heavy syllables, the lengthened grade is retained. The function of<br />

reinforcing expressivity by the lengthened grade is a special feature of the Germanic branch<br />

of the Indo-European languages.<br />


Surprise at length of Tocharian nouns<br />

Melanie Malzahn, University of Vienna<br />

The Tocharian languages reflect lengthened grades in roots within the verbal and nominal<br />

system. As for root apophony, on the one hand we find lengthened grades of roots in<br />

athematic nouns that do not come as a surprise at least to the followers of the Schindler<br />

School. Here belongs the TA dual form śanweṃ ‘jaws’ from *ĝēn- that can be derived from<br />

the paradigm of an acrostatic u-stem (as per Nikolaev, 2010, 1-18). Similarly, the ē-grade i-<br />

stem TB yel, TA wal < *wēl-i- ‘worm’ is reminiscent of the Greek ē-grade i-stem δῆρις<br />

‘battle’. The same applies to lengthened-grade thematic nouns and respective n- and eh 2 -stem<br />

derivatives, since PIE had denominative o-stems denoting appurtenance formed by<br />

vrddhisation. Here seems to belong TB yente, TA want ‘wind’ < *h 2 u̯ ēh 1 -n̥ to- (as per<br />

Schindler, 1994, 399; Widmer, 1997, 28), TB yerpe ‘orb’ (Weiss, 2007, 261), and also TB<br />

śer(u)we ‘hunter’ if this is an inherited form (Jasanoff apud Nussbaum, 1986, 8). Here may<br />

also belong the following forms, whose etymologies will be discussed: TB ariwe* ‘ram, male<br />

goat’; TB āntse, TA es ‘shoulder’; TB yepe ‘knife’; TB yerkwanto ‘wheel’; TB yetse ‘skin’;<br />

TB yolme ‘pond, pool’; TA yṣaṃ ‘trench, moat’; TB ṣpel ‘pill’; TB sāle ‘ground, basis’, and<br />

possibly TB yerter ‘wheelrim, felloe’.<br />

On the other hand, there are lengthened grades in Tocharian nouns that do come as a<br />

surprise, e.g., TB ñem/TA ñom ‘name’ if this goes back to a protoform PIE *h 1 nḗh 3 -mn̥ . It<br />

will be argued that there is, however, no principled reason against assuming acrostatically<br />

inflected men-stems that existed beside proterokinetically inflected ones. A different case is<br />

TB yesti ‘piece of cloth’ < *u̯ ḗstoi̯ (Malzahn 2004), because it bizarrely combines ē-acrostatic<br />

root ablaut with a suffix ablaut typical of holokinetically inflected nouns.<br />

Especially in such cases, I think one should turn to Schindler’s suggestion (Schindler,<br />

1994, 398f.) that such irregular lengthened or full grades of roots found in nouns have to do<br />

with verbal Narten forms. To be sure, in my view Schindler’s original claim (“Verbalen<br />

Nartenformationen entsprechen systematisch Nominalbildungen mit analogen<br />

Ablautverhältnissen. Das läßt auf zwei ursprüngliche Wurzeltypen schließen, Standard- und<br />

Nartenwurzeln”) was much too strong and should nowadays be abandoned; on the other hand,<br />

it seems quite reasonable to assume that thanks to the principle of analogy, lengthened grades<br />

and full grades found in verbal (so-called) Narten paradigms could be transferred into<br />

respective nominal forms at least sporadically, i.e., precisely non-systematically.<br />

For Tocharian one may put forth further evidence from the root TB ñäsk- ‘to seek’<br />

(Malzahn, 2007). The same principle can be argued for TB yesti ‘piece of cloth’.<br />

Finally, I would like to argue that a weak version of Schindler’s explanation principle<br />

is a strategy to account for TB śerkw ‘cord, string’, TA nom. pl. śorkmi ‘strings’, which I<br />

think Hilmarsson has plausibly shown to derive from a pre-PT *kērg( h )-u̯ n̥ (Hilmarsson, 1986,<br />

125-144).<br />

References:<br />

Hilmarsson, Jörundur, 1986: Studies in Tocharian Phonology, Morphology and Etymology<br />

with special emphasis on the o-vocalism, Proefschrift Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden,<br />

Reykjavík.<br />

Malzahn, Melanie, 2004: “Toch. B yesti nāskoy und der Narten-Charakter der idg. Wurzel<br />

*u̯ es- ‘(Kleidung) anhaben’”, Die Sprache 43/2, 2002-2003[2004], 212-220.<br />

Malzahn, Melanie, 2007: “Tocharian Desire”, Verba Docenti. Studies in historical and Indo-<br />

European linguistics presented to Jay H. Jasanoff by students, colleagues, and friends,<br />

ed. by Alan J. Nussbaum, Ann Arbor/New York: Beech Stave Press, 237-249.<br />


Nikolaev, Alexander S., 2010: Issledovanija po praindoevropejskoj imennoj morfologii /<br />

Studies in Indo-European nominal morphology, Sankt-Peterburg: Nauka.<br />

Nussbaum, Alan J., 1986: Head and Horn in Indo-European, Berlin / New York: de Gruyter.<br />

Schindler, Jochem, 1994: “Alte und neue Fragen zum indogermanischen Nomen”, In<br />

honorem Holger Pedersen. Kolloquium der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft 1993 in<br />

Kopenhagen, hrsg. von Jens Elmegård Rasmussen, Wiesbaden: Reichert, 397-400.<br />

Weiss, Michael, 2007: “Latin Orbis and its Cognates”, Historische Sprachforschung 119,<br />

2006[2007], 250-272.<br />

Widmer, Paul, 1997: Nartennomen, Lizentiatsarbeit Univ. Bern.<br />


The accentuation of Balto-Slavic Vr̥ ddhi formations and the origin of the acute<br />

Ranko Matasović, University of Zagreb<br />

The traditional view that PIE lengthened grade vowels receive the acute in Balto-Slavic can<br />

no longer be defended. It is contradicted by such examples as PIE *d h ugh 2 tēr ‘daughter’ ><br />

Lith. duktė͂ , PIE *(H)rēk-s-o-m ‘I said’ > Croat. rijêh, PIE *h 2 ōwyom ‘egg’ > Croat. jâje. It<br />

should also be taken as proved that syllables closed by laryngeals and voiced stops (or<br />

glottalics, by Winter’s law) received the acute intonation in Balto-Slavic.<br />

However, the fact that the PIE lengthened grade long vowels are circumflex in Balto-<br />

Slavic does not prove that all lenghtened grade long vowels in Balto-Slavic are circumflex. In<br />

the present paper we shall show that a number of formations with the lengthened grade of the<br />

root, that were not inherited from PIE, received the acute in Balto-Slavic. Such words have<br />

the lengthened grade only in Balto-Slavic, but not in other IE languages, which shows that<br />

their Vr̥ ddhi is not inherited from PIE. Examples of such formations are BSl. *ślā́wā ‘fame’<br />

(Lith. šlóvė, Croat. slȁva) < PIE *k’low- (Gr. kléos), BSl. *ṓsi- ‘ash-tree’ (Lith. úosis, Croat.<br />

jȁsen) < PIE *h 3 es- (ON askr), etc. There are also cases where we cannot show that the Balto-<br />

Slavic acute occurs on a long vowel (since we find it on syllables containing diphthongs), but<br />

where derivation by Vrddhi seems plausible on semantic grounds, as well as others, where we<br />

find an unexplained acute either in Baltic or in Slavic, but not in both branches.<br />

In the present paper, we will systematically collect and analyze such material in order<br />

to show that the Balto-Slavic Vr̥ ddhi formations, in contradistinction to the inherited PIE long<br />

vowels, received the acute intonation.<br />


“Narten formations” versus “Narten roots”<br />

H. Craig Melchert, UCLA<br />

Verbal stems showing “acrostatic” *ḗ/é ablaut are widely labeled “Narten formations” in<br />

honor of Johanna Narten, who in 1968 first argued for the systematic existence of such a type<br />

of present: e.g. *stḗuti, *stéwn̥ ti ‘praise’ seen in Vedic astāut and Old Avestan participle<br />

stauuat-. Some scholars, most explicitly Schindler, have assumed that “Narten”-type ablaut is<br />

lexically determined: certain roots show a lengthened-grade/full-grade alternation where<br />

“normal” roots show full grade alternating with zero-grade, or full grade in a category usually<br />

showing zero grade.<br />

While certain roots do show “clusters” of lengthened-grade formations in both verbal<br />

and nominal categories, this fact per se does not justify the notion of a special class of “Narten<br />

roots”, since it is commonplace that the expected ablaut pattern of a nominal formation may<br />

be influenced by a related verbal category: e.g., beside the inherited result noun tarma- ‘peg,<br />

nail’ < *tór(h 1 )-mo- and the likely parallel karša- ‘shearing’ < *kórs-o- beside karš- ‘cut’ <<br />

*kers-, Hittite also shows for this productive formation examples like kuera- ‘field’ <<br />

*‘section’ with e-grade after kuer- ‘cut’ and gulšša- ‘fate’ with zero grade after gulšš- ‘draw,<br />

sketch’.<br />

I will argue that lengthened-grade “Narten presents” (and related secondary nominal<br />

formations) are attested in some cases to roots that also show “regular” ablaut patterns,<br />

including *h 1 es- ‘be’ (following Oettinger), *swep- ‘fall asleep’ (cf. Klingenschmitt), and<br />

others. I conclude that acrostatic “Narten presents” do not reflect a special class of roots, but<br />

are merely another among the well-established types of characterized presents. They differ<br />

merely in showing “internal” derivation rather than an overt suffix. What remains an open<br />

question is to what extent we can identify them with a particular Aktionsart.<br />


Root-structure and the occurrence of full and lengthened grade in PIE root nouns<br />

Benedicte Nielsen Whitehead, University of Copenhagen<br />

The paper reviews the ablaut patterns of PIE root nouns, especially the conditions for<br />

nominatival lengthening and the choice of weak grade correlating to a specific form of the<br />

nominative.<br />

Certain basics of PIE root-noun apophony are today considered commonplace, such as<br />

the link between ablaut and specific semantic types: stative agent-nouns, action nouns,<br />

nomina rei actae (Schindler 1972); or the fact that that nominatival lengthening occurs only in<br />

stems with one final consonant (e.g. Möller 1880: 499).<br />

However, Schindler 1979: 60 also pointed out that in certain well-defined cases, root<br />

structure was a determining factor for the choice of a particular ablaut grade. This paper<br />

surveys 80 root nouns of presumed IE age and qualifies his findings as follows: a root noun<br />

will only ever appear in a form that displays (a) at least one initial consonant, (b) a syllabic<br />

element and (c) if possible, exactly one final consonant. I.e., the root maintains the basic<br />

phonological structure C N V 1 C 1 , when possible.<br />

The relevance of these observations is twofold. As will be illustrated, we should,<br />

firstly, pay special attention to a small handful of root nouns that do not adhere to these rules,<br />

and secondly, we should be careful when drawing conclusions about original ablaut patterns<br />

on the basis of attested forms.<br />

These facts challenge our otherwise firm convictions about the ablaut of PIE root<br />

nouns.<br />

References:<br />

Möller, H. 1880. “Zur declination. Germanisch ā ē ō in de endungen des nomens und die<br />

Entstehung des o (*a₂)”. PBB 7: 482-547.<br />

Schindler, J. 1972. Das Wurzelnomen im Arischen und Griechischen. Dissertation: Phil. Fak.,<br />

Universität Würzburg.<br />

Schindler, J. 1979. “C. Rezension”. Die Sprache 25 (1): 57-60.<br />


Zu langstufigen Bildungen des Indogermanischen<br />

Norbert Oettinger, Erlangen<br />

Da die Existenz von „Narten-Wurzeln“ nicht wahrscheinlich ist, wird man mit teilweise<br />

unterschiedlicher Herkunft von in der Wurzelsilbe langstufigen Bildungen der<br />

indogermanischen Grundsprache rechnen und sie zunächst einzeln betrachten. Dies soll in<br />

jeweils kurzer Form geschehen.<br />

Beim Nomen fällt auf, dass der Typ N-A.Sg. *h 1 i̯ ēk w -r̥ , Gen. *h 1 i̯ ek w -n̥ -s ‚Leber‘ im<br />

hierarchischen Derivationssystem des Indogermanischen mit dem Typ Nom.Sg. *dóm-s, Gen.<br />

*dém-s ‚Haus‘ um die erste Position konkurriert. Auch die Langstufe mancher neutraler s-<br />

Stämme wie gr. ῥῆγος ‚Decke‘ bedarf der Diskussion.<br />

Beim Verbum scheinen manche Narten-Präsentien einmal reduplizierten Präsentien<br />

funktional gleichwertig gewesen zu sein. Dies wurde im Prinzip bereits von Harđarson (1993)<br />

vermutet. Da der spät-urindogermanische sigmatische Aorist ebenfalls Langstufe aufwies, so<br />

stellt sich die Frage, ob auch hier eine entsprechende Gleichwertigkeit vermutet werden kann.<br />

Literatur:<br />

Hackstein, Olav, 1995. Zu den sigmatischen Präsensstammbildungen des Tocharischen.<br />

Göttingen.<br />

Harđarson, Jón Axel. 1993. Studien zum Urindogermanischen Wurzelaorist und dessen<br />

Entsprechungen im Indoiranischen und Griechischen. Innsbruck.<br />

Jasanoff, Jay H. 2003. Hittite and the Indo-European Verb. Oxford.<br />

Oettinger, Norbert. 2011. Indogermanisch *h 1 es- ‘sitzen’ und luwisch asa[r]. In: MSS 65,<br />

167-170.<br />


‛Expressive lengthening’ – linguistic reality or strange nightmare?<br />

Oswald Panagl, Salzburg<br />

Among the representations of lengthened grade vowels reconstructed for Proto-Indo-<br />

European as well as attested in ancient Indo-European languages, most of the examples under<br />

consideration may be explained either as reflexes of laryngeals or as “Dehnstufen” (in Neo-<br />

Grammarian sense) within the traditional vowel-system. But there are also some instances<br />

which do not fit into this framework. Mayrhofer in his Indo-European Phonology (Mayrhofer<br />

1986/ 2012) mentions e.g. the word pairs *mŭs : *mūs “mouse” or *nŭ : *nū “now”: „So ist<br />

der einsilbige Nom. Sing., wohl */ṷīs/, für ‚Gift‘ im Jungavestischen noch erhalten … Wenn<br />

das ved. Verbum muṣṇā́ ti ‚stiehlt‘ primär ist und auf laryngalloses *mus-, allenfalls *meṷ-szurückweist<br />

und wenn das verbreitete Wort für ‚Maus‘ davon abgeleitet ist, dann enthält die<br />

Gleichung ved. mū́ ṣ- = lat. mūs = ahd. mūs usw. altes */ū/. Sicher alt ist */nū(n)/ … in ved. nū,<br />

gr. νῦν neben */nu/ in ved. nú, gr. νύ… etc.“ (p. 171). However, valuable observations about<br />

lengthened grade one-syllable case forms of lexemes with the vowels /i/ or /u/ are published<br />

by Specht (KZ 59, 1932, p. 280 sqq.) A special case is the particle of exclamation *ō, for<br />

which Mayrhofer denies the effect of a laryngeal.<br />

If we take into account some metrical lengthenings (Homeric āthánatos) and several<br />

irregularly long vowels unexpected so far, we may think with some scholars like Hirt (1921),<br />

Grammont (1971) of phono-stylistic reasons like emphasis, force or insistance.<br />

Do there exist phenomena comparable to spontaneous gemination of consonants? Lühr<br />

(1988) presented models and types of explanations given by Martinet (1937), who offers<br />

special semantic fields (Onomatopées, Noms d’animaux, Aliments, Parties du corps,<br />

Maladies, Métiers etc.), and Graur (1929), who emphasizes the role of „mots vulgaires“ with<br />

„une valeur affective“ and characterized by „séries d’idées susceptibles d’avoir cours dans le<br />

langage familier ou vulgaire.“ On the other hand, Wissmann (1939) underlines the dominance<br />

of lexemes in hypocoristic style (Lallwörter, Kurznamen, Tierwörter) as well as words „zur<br />

Bezeichnung von wertlosen und geringgeschätzten Dingen“.<br />

Questions upon questions!<br />


The lengthened grade in Tocharian nominal morphology<br />

Georges-Jean Pinault, École Pratique des Hautes Études<br />

The Tocharian phonological system does not show any contrast of length in the vowels. The<br />

reflexes of the PIE vowels *ē and *ō, as well as of the diphthongs *ēi̯ , *ōi̯ , etc. in Common<br />

Tocharian (CToch.), are still moot points, despite some advances in recent decades. In<br />

particular, the fate of these diphthongs in final position, as well as of the PIE final sequences<br />

*°ōR, *°ōN, *°ōs, etc. has been much debated. These issues are partly related to the<br />

interpretation of PIE morphology and to patterns of internal derivation. Tocharian material<br />

has been often used to confirm hypotheses about PIE issues, without due consideration of the<br />

facts that can be reconstructed for CToch. on the basis of the two daughter languages, TA and<br />

TB. The paper will propose a comprehensive survey of the traces of lengthened grade in<br />

several Tocharian nominal categories. Some problems relevant to the reconstruction of the<br />

PIE nominal inflection will also be discussed. To take a single example, it will be shown, after<br />

weighing the pros and cons, that TB ñem, TA ñom ‘name’ (CToch. *ñæmä) does not provide<br />

any evidence for the reconstruction of a lengthened grade in the inflection of the PIE noun,<br />

allegedly *h 1 nḗh 3 - for the strong stem allomorph. The still controversial reflexes in CToch. of<br />

PIE *-ōi̯ and *-oi̯ in final position will be discussed. It appears that the allomorph *-oi̯ has<br />

remained productive as making abstracts, parallel to the productivity of the abstracts in *-u̯ or<br />

> CToch. *-wær, that would have replaced *-u̯ ōr. If this argument is accepted, the Tocharian<br />

data would point to the existence of neuters with nom.-acc. sg. *-oi̯ , *-u̯ or, etc. who stand for<br />

the PIE collectives in *-ōi̯ , *-u̯ ōr as expected according to Szemerényi’s Law, from *-oi̯ -h 2 ,<br />

*-u̯ or-h 2 . The situation seems to be different for animate *-on-, *-mon- and *-u̯ on-stems,<br />

which would show in Common Toch. the reflexes of expected nom. sg. *-ōn, *-mōn and<br />

*-u̯ ōn (< *-(C)on-s).<br />


The Proto-Indo-European *-VTs# clusters and the formulation of Szemerényi’s Law<br />

Dariusz Piwowarczyk<br />

Szemerényi’s Law is a term used nowadays for a sound change postulated for the Indo-<br />

European proto-language through which a sequence *-V̆ Rs develops into *-V̄ Rø (1970: 109,<br />

155). Nowadays there seem to exist three different approaches to Szemerényi’s Law: some<br />

scholars assume that it operated in a way as formulated by Szemerényi himself (Neri 2003:<br />

20 35 ), others assume that it only operated in sequences consisting of a resonant and *-s<br />

(Griepentrog 1995: 177-179, Kim 2001: 127) and still other scholars deny the existence of the<br />

law altogether, assuming that the vowel was lengthened before word-final resonant (ĕR > ēR)<br />

except *-m (Beekes 1985: 151-154).<br />

In this paper I shall argue that Szemerényi’s Law operated in the proto-language and<br />

that its operation should be restricted to *-V̆ Rs# and *-V̆ RH# sequences only. The assumption<br />

of the lengthening of vowels before a resonant requires a difficult explanation of the vocative<br />

of the *r-stems (cf. Beekes 1985: 99-101) which is easily explained by assuming that the law<br />

did operate.<br />

Additionally, I will show that the development of *V̆ Ts > *V̆ ss > *V̄ s, often assumed<br />

as part of Szemerényi’s Law (cf. Neri 2003: 20 35 , Lipp 2009: 93) as in PIE *pód-s > *póss ><br />

*pṓs > Doric Greek pṓs ‘foot’ (Hesych.), is hardly credible (cf. also Kim 2001: 127 24 ).<br />

References:<br />

Beekes, Robert. 1985. The origins of the Indo-European nominal inflection. Innsbruck.<br />

Griepentrog, Wolfgang. 1995. Die Wurzelnomina des Germanischen und ihre Vorgeschichte.<br />

Innsbruck.<br />

Kim, Ronald. 2001. “Tocharian B śem ≈ Latin vēnit? Szemerenyi’s Law and *ē in PIE root<br />

aorists. MSS 61. 119-147.<br />

Lipp, Reiner. 2009. Die indogermanischen und einzelsprachlichen Palatale im<br />

Indoiranischen. Band II. Heidelberg.<br />

Neri, Sergio. 2003. I sostantivi in -u del gotico. Innsbruck.<br />

Szemerenyi, Oswald. 1970. Einfuhrung in die vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft. Darmstadt.<br />


Szemerényi’s law: a critical survey of the evidence<br />

Tijmen Pronk, Institut za hrvatski jezik / Leiden University<br />

Today it appears to be widely accepted that the lengthened grade vowel in the nominative<br />

singular of hysterodynamic nouns of the type *ph 2 tēr was the result of earlier loss of final *-s<br />

with compensatory lengthening of the preceding consonant, which was subsequently<br />

shortened with compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel (Szemerényi 1999: 116).<br />

The development is generally referred to as Szemerényi’s law, although the basic idea behind<br />

it is much older (cf. Collinge 2009: 237).<br />

Nussbaum (1986: 129f.) added to Szemerényi’s hypothesis by suggesting that<br />

collectives ending in a long vowel and a resonant can be explained in a similar way. The<br />

collective ending *-h 2 would have been lost with eventual compensatory lengthening of the<br />

vowel in the preceding syllable. Szemerényi’s law has also been employed to explain a<br />

number of further isolated lengthened grades.<br />

Beekes (1990) provided several arguments against Szemerényi’s law. He argued that<br />

the asigmatic nom.sg. of the h 2 -stems proves the existence of originally asigmatic<br />

nominatives. He further argued that case endings like gen. sg. *-ei-s, *-en-s provide<br />

counterevidence against Szemerényi’s law. A similar argument applies to the thematic acc.pl.<br />

ending *-o-ns.<br />

During the lecture, the strengths and weaknesses of Szemerényi’s law will be<br />

discussed. We will also address the question whether alternative accounts of the lengthened<br />

grade may provide a better explanation for the data.<br />

References:<br />

Beekes, Robert S. P. 1990 “Wackernagel’s explanation of the lengthened grade”,<br />

Sprachwissenschaft und Philologie: Jacob Wackernagel und die Indogermanistik<br />

heute. Wiesbaden, 33–53.<br />

Collinge, N. E. 2009 The laws of Indo-European. Amsterdam–Philadelphia.<br />

Nussbaum, Alan 1986 Head and horn in Indo-European. Berlin–New York.<br />

Szemerényi, Oswald 1999 Introduction to Indo-European linguistics. Oxford.<br />


The derivation of Slavic imperfective verbs with lengthened grade<br />

Johannes Reinhart, University of Vienna<br />

Slavic imperfective verbs derived from verbs with a short stem vowel (e, o, ь, ъ) usually have<br />

a lengthened vowel (e.g. OCS svьtěti ‘shine’ → svitati, kloniti ‘bend’ → klanjati). According<br />

to the theory of Jerzy Kuryłowicz the lengthened grade in derived imperfective verbs started<br />

in seṭ-roots with a sonorant before the laryngeal. After the root vowel is lengthened it is<br />

introduced to the position before a vowel, e.g. trh 1 -tei ‘rub’ > tīrh 1 -tei, tīrh 1 -ā-tei > tĭrh 1 -tei,<br />

tīrh 1 -ā-tei. Then the preconsonantal vowel is shortened and can be recognized only by its<br />

accentuation. This is the origin of the apophonic relationship of verbs of the tĭrti (OCS trьti) ~<br />

-tirati type. This relationship was later analogically spread to verbs like bĭrati ~ -birati, merti<br />

~ -mirati and gnesti ~ -gnětati, greti ~ -grěbati.<br />

There are, however, some insurmountable difficulties related to Kuryłowicz’s theory.<br />

One such difficulty is that the shortening of preconsonantal long-vowels in the structure ī/ūRC<br />

must have taken place not long after the development of short high-vowels in front of syllabic<br />

sonorants, which is dated no later than 1000 BC. On the other hand, the origin of Common<br />

Slavic verbal aspect is a relatively recent process, cf. e.g. van Wijk: „Le système des aspects<br />

est lui aussi d’origine relativement moderne“ (RÉSl 9, 1929: 251).<br />

One must also bear in mind that imperfective verbs of the type -tirati are always found<br />

with verbal prefixes and have the following derivational history: simple verb (e.g. tьrti) →<br />

prefix + simple verb (prětьrti) → prefix + derived imperfective verb (prětirati). Therefore<br />

simple verbs in the modern languages (e.g. Sln. tirati) probably owe their existence to the loss<br />

of the prefix (dépréverbation). This means that in the framework of Kuryłowicz’s theory<br />

simple derived imperfective verbs existed for several centuries only to disappear before the<br />

earliest written texts. These facts force us to abandon Kuryłowicz’s theory as a general<br />

principle and to look for alternative solutions.<br />

In this paper an attempt is made to explain the lengthened grade in Slavic imperfective<br />

derivation as the result of different processes. The following processes come into<br />

consideration: (a) denominative verbs derived from nouns with a long vowel (some of which<br />

might be explained by Kuryłowicz’s formula); (b) derived verbs with lengthened grade (of IE<br />

origin or post-IE formations built after IE models); (c) after a proportion Te/aRT : TuRT =<br />

Te/aHT : x, x = *TuHT (= TūT) etc. (cf. Mathiassen, Studien, 1974: 18); (d) by the<br />

relationship ī : ĭ (i : ь; < *ei : i) arisen after the monophtongisation of diphthongs.<br />

If the scenario suggested in this paper is true, then the derivation of Slavic<br />

imperfective verbs with lengthened grade is a typical case of a conspiracy.<br />


On the Phonetics and Phonology of Stang's and Szemerényi's Laws<br />

Ryan Sandell, UCLA<br />

This paper works towards a better understanding of the phonetic and phonological processes<br />

in Proto-Indo-European that bear the labels of Stang’s Law (Stang 1965: 292 ff.) and<br />

Szemerényi’s Law (Szemerényi 1970: 106-11). Descriptively, both laws appear to involve the<br />

the loss of certain consonants in auslaut when preceded by certain other consonants, with<br />

consequent compensatory lengthening of the vowel in the final syllable (e.g., **di̯ eu̯ -m ><br />

*di̯ ēm; **ph 2 ter-s > *ph 2 tēr). Principally, two questions require an account:<br />

1. why are those certain word-final consonants lost?<br />

2. why does the loss of those consonants result in compensatory lengthening?<br />

Answers to the first question seem largely straightforward with respect to Stang's Law:<br />

assimilation of segments, coupled with the well-known constraint against adjacent identical<br />

segments in PIE, leads to loss of a consonant (cf. Mayrhofer 1986 [2012]: 171-2). In the case<br />

of Szemerényi's Law, already Szemerényi (1970: 109) advanced a similar explanation based<br />

on assimilation (e.g., *-rs#>*-rr#) and degemination, but some more recent work (e.g., Byrd<br />

2010: 88-94) has instead suggested that a general ban on word-final resonant + fricative<br />

sequences was operative in PIE. The fact that cases involving both *s and *h 2 , despite the<br />

divergent phonetic properties of those segments, have been adduced as instances of<br />

Szemerényi's Law (cf. Szemerényi 1970: 155, 159), raises the further question of whether the<br />

all Szemerényi's Law phenomena reflect the same process.<br />

The second question is more troubling, in light of the fact that a plausible model of<br />

compensatory lengthening (Moraic Theory; see Hayes 1989) does not predict compensatory<br />

lengthening of the type VC 1 C 2 # > V̄ C 1 #, and that the typological study of Kavitskaya (2002)<br />

does not find evidence for compensatory lengthening of such a type. Evidence from Greek,<br />

Latin, and Indo-Iranian, however, suggests that word-final consonants may have been<br />

extrametrical (i.e., did not bear a mora) in PIE (a not uncommon situation cross-linguistically;<br />

cf. Hayes 1995: 56-60). Thus, when a formerly weight-bearing consonant became word-final,<br />

its mora was transferred to the preceding vowel, and so produced the lengthened vowel.<br />

References:<br />

Byrd, A. M. (2010). Reconstructing Indo-European Syllabification. Ph.D. thesis, University<br />

of California, Los Angeles.<br />

Hayes, B. (1989). Compensatory Lengthening in Moraic Phonology. Linguistic Inquiry 20,<br />

253--306.<br />

Hayes, B. (1995). Metrical Stress Theory. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.<br />

Kavitskaya, D. (2002). Compensatory Lengthening: Phonetics, Phonology, Diachrony. New<br />

York: Routledge.<br />

Mayrhofer, M. (1986 [2012]). Indogermanische Grammatik I 2: Lautlehre. Heidelberg: Carl<br />

Winter.<br />

Stang, C. (1965). Indo-Européen *G w ŌM, *D(I)I̯ ĒM. In: Symbolae linguisticae in honorem<br />

Georgii Kuryłowicz (Polska Akademia Nauk. Prace Komisji Językoznawsta, ed.).<br />

Wrocław: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich.<br />

Szemerényi, O. (1970). Einführung in die vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft. Darmstadt:<br />

Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.<br />


The fourth makes it whole? The reduced lengthened ablaut grade in Old Indo-Aryan<br />

Ondřej Šefčík, Masaryk University, Brno<br />

Due to the abolishing of both original IE o-grades (i.e. IE full o-grade and lengthened o-<br />

grade) in Indo-Iranian, the ablaut system of Indo-Aryan was formed with only three grades:<br />

reduced (RG, 0/i), full (FG, a) and lengthened (LG, ā).<br />

We can describe the ablaut system in OIA with a set of values distinguishing different<br />

grades, i.e. any given ablaut grade is attached to a unique set of values.<br />

For describing the Old Indo-Aryan ablaut system, we need only four values of two<br />

features ({±reduced} and {±lengthened}) thus FG = {-reduced, -lengthened}, RG: =<br />

{+reduced, -lengthened}; LG = {-reduced, +lengthened}:<br />

0/I RG<br />

=<br />

a ā FG LG<br />

This system is not “complete”, since there is a gap where there could be a grade with<br />

values {+reduced, +lengthened}. It should be noted that this gap was filled in the Balto-Slavic<br />

languages, which have two reduced lengthened grades in two variants: {e-reduced<br />

lengthened} and {o-reduced lengthened}.<br />

We suppose that analogically in Old Indo-Aryan, there are traces of tendencies to<br />

formalize a fourth grade (i.e. reduced lengthened grade, RLG, ī) and we can at least partially<br />

reach the “complete” system of ablaut in OIA as:<br />

0/i (ī) RG (RLG)<br />

=<br />

a ā FG LG<br />

The forming of “reduced lengthened” grade in OIA was seconded by the fact, that the<br />

loss of original laryngeals left roots lengthened, when those roots, unlike roots which lack an<br />

original laryngeal. Thus lengthened reduced grade arose first as a variant of reduced grade.<br />

For a further systematization of the RLG we should note the following tendencies:<br />

1. In the passive of the present stem (ya-passive), with the lengthening of a preceding<br />

root vowel of otherwise non-lengthened reduced grade.<br />

2. Analogically, in the formation of the derivative stem.<br />

3. In the reduplicative aorist, where the reduplication syllable is “reduced” like the<br />

reduplication syllables of present or desiderative reduplication, but is also<br />

“lengthened”, either by the quality of the reduplication vowel or position.<br />

It is no coincidence that all three stems are “secondary”, i.e. highly productive stems<br />

with a clear semantics (passive, desiderative, causative aorist), which contrast with old<br />


“primary” stems. The first two stems arose from positional lengthening before a lost laryngeal<br />

as well, while the third was probably formed independently purely through an analogy.<br />

Selected literature:<br />

Kortlandt, F. H. H. (1972) Modelling the Phoneme - New Trends in East European<br />

Phonemic Theory. The Hague: Mouton.<br />

MacDonell, A. A. (1910): Vedic Grammar. Strassburg: Karl J. Trübner.<br />

Marcus, S. (1967) Introduction mathématique à la linguistique structurale. Paris: Dunod.<br />

Šefčík, O. (2008) Values, Features, Fine Metrics and Oppositions. Linguistica Brunensia 56:<br />

5–14.<br />

Šefčík, O. (2009) Preliminary Description of the Czech Phonemic System Using Feature<br />

Geometry. In: Dočekal, M. & M. Ziková (eds.) Czech in Formal Grammar 183-196.<br />

Muenchen: Lincom Europa.<br />

Whitney, W. D. (1885): The Roots, Verb-forms and Primary Derivatives of the Sanskrit-<br />

Language. Leipzig: Breitkopf und Härtel.<br />

Whitney, W. D. (1924 5 ): Sanskrit Grammar. Leipzig: Breitkopf und Härtel.<br />


Zur Etymologie von griechisch κῆλᾰ ‚Pfeile, Geschosse‘<br />

Thomas Steer, Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg<br />

Die Etymologie von gr. Nom.-Akk.Pl.n. κῆλᾰ ‚Pfeile, Geschosse‘ (Il.+) ist noch nicht<br />

abschließend geklärt. Formal und semantisch bestehen verschiedene Anschlussmöglichkeiten,<br />

vgl. z.B. R. S. P. Beekes, Etymological Dictionary of Greek (Leiden / Boston 2010) s.v.<br />

Die Belegstellen bei Homer, wo κῆλᾰ in erster Linie die Geschosse des Pfeilgottes<br />

Apollon bezeichnet, machen eine ursprüngliche Bedeutung ‚Pfeile‘ wahrscheinlich. Daher<br />

dürfte die bereits mehrfach vorgeschlagene und favorisierte Verknüpfung von κῆλᾰ mit ved.<br />

śará- ‚Rohr‘ (RV+), ‚Pfeil‘ (AV+), śáru- ‚Geschoss, Pfeil, Speer‘ (RV+) semantisch am<br />

wahrscheinlichsten sein. Hinzu kommen noch andere Argumente: Bei Homer werden mit<br />

κῆλᾰ nur Geschosse von Göttern (A 53 des Apollon, M 280 des Zeus) bezeichnet. Und auch<br />

im Rigveda wird śáru- offenbar nur für von Göttern gesandte Geschosse benutzt. Außerdem<br />

bestehen zwischen Apollon und dem altindischen Gott Rudra, der auch Śarva (abgeleitet von<br />

śáru-) genannt wird (vgl. VS 16,18; 16,28), sehr auffällige mythologische Parallelen (Pfeil<br />

und Bogen als Attribute; Seuchen- und Heilgötter etc.); vgl. z.B. Th. Oberlies, Die Religion<br />

des R̥ gveda. Erster Teil: Das religiöse System des R̥ gveda (Wien 1998) 206f., 213–16.<br />

Als lautlich problematisch bei der semantisch und mythologisch gut motivierten<br />

etymologischen Verbindung von gr. κῆλᾰ und ved. śará- ‚Rohr, Pfeil‘, śáru- ‚Pfeil, Geschoss‘<br />

erweist sich der griechische Langvokal in κηλ- < *ḱēl(H)-, dem im Altindischen ein kurzer<br />

Vokal in śar- < *ḱe/ol(H)- gegenübersteht. Für die Genese der noch ungeklärten griechischen<br />

Dehnstufe sollen zwei mögliche Erklärungen zur Diskussion gestellt werden.<br />


Szemerényi's law and related issues<br />

Roman Sukač, Silesian University, Opava<br />

In my talk I would like to present my theory on the mechanism of Szemerényi's law and<br />

morphonological issues including the function of resulted lengthened grade in a paradigm.<br />

Concerning -rs codas in PIE root nouns, there is a theory that would explains the weakening<br />

of /r/ before /s/ due to the shared place of articulation (Kümmel 2007). However, this process<br />

(not limited to root nouns only) must be language specified, because no /r/ weakening in final<br />

codas can be seen in OE fyrst or some internationalisms like Mars, revers, Czech kompars.<br />

Also, the hysterokinetic nouns like *ph 2 -tér-s do not undergo any r-weakening.<br />

Also, the PIE "VNs" clusters give the same results, like *k´u̯ ons >*k´u̯ ōn. Obviously,<br />

the whole group containing a resonant behaves in a similar way. There is a recent<br />

hypocorrection theory by Ohala and Kavitskaya (2002) which might explain the Szemerényi's<br />

law as compensation lengthening. In my opinion, we face some difficulties here.<br />

First, the exact pronunciation of the ancient speakers is not known and in a<br />

reconstructed language we should deal with phonological level only.<br />

Second, we should explain why such a mechanism does not occur in other Indo-<br />

European languages (see typological paralells above).<br />

Third, the S. Law can be observed in the consonantal coda cluster of the same place<br />

articulation. So I try to have a look at examples where the cluster -VRs leads to the following<br />

possible results:<br />

1) -VRs > -V̅ R (lengthening, coda simplification, S. Law)<br />

2) -VRs > -V̅ s (lengthening, coda simplification, resonant loss)<br />

3) - VRs > -V(R)(s) no lengthening, coda simplication<br />

If b) and c) exist typologicaly, the S. Law is just one of several possible outcomes of the same<br />

process. I think that what we observe here is the mora transfer from the moraic coda (which<br />

leads to the lengthening of the nucleus) with the subsequent final cluster simplification.<br />

So in the second part of my talk I will explain my theory of moraic codas and mora<br />

transfer. Basically, I argue that the moraic structure is *-V µ R µ s and that it leads to the solution<br />

1) (see above). I also try to explain why the solutions 2) and 3) are typologicaly possible.<br />

Finally, I will briefly discuss how the lengthened grade spreads intra- and<br />

interparadigmaticaly creating some forms of optimal paradigms.<br />


Tone variation among Baltic ia-presents<br />

Miguel Villanueva Svensson, Vilnius University<br />

The ia-presents are an extremely productive class of primary verbs in the Baltic languages. iapresents<br />

with a long vowel or diphthong frequently present dialectal variation between acute<br />

and circumflex intonation, e.g. Lith. grė́bia / grė̃bia “rakes”, spréndžia / spreñdžia “decides”,<br />

júosia / juõsia “girds”, díegia / diẽgia “plants”, dáužia / daũžia “strikes”, etc. Such variants<br />

are much more widespread than previously thought: it seems as if every verb with acute<br />

intonation could acquire circumflex variants in the prehistory of (East) Baltic.<br />

In spite of its obvious importance, this phenomenon has never been subject to a<br />

thorough treatment. As a result, previous accounts depend on an insufficient collection of<br />

data. In this presentation I intend to fulfill the following goals:<br />

First, I will present and sift the corpus of ia-presents with tone variation (including iapresents<br />

with unexpected circumflex or acute intonation).<br />

Second, I will present a new account of this phenomenon. Acute intonation is clearly<br />

expansive among roots ending in a resonant or a diphthong (Lith. ber̃ti → bérti “strew,<br />

scatter”, jaũti → jáuti “mix”, etc.). Among roots ending in a stop or a sibilant, on the other<br />

hand, acute intonation can be argued to be original. The circumflex variant arose in the<br />

preterit due to retraction of the ictus from *-ìi̯ ā > *-ē̃.<br />

Third, I will discuss the implications of this proposal in a broader, Balto-Slavic and<br />

Indo-European perspective: a) it accounts for circumflex intonation among words that should<br />

have presented acute intonation, b) it implies an old acute vowel among words that probably<br />

continue a PIE lengthened grade.<br />


Ares the Ripper: From Stang’s Law to long-diphthong roots<br />

Andreas Willi, Oxford University<br />

In response to a recent - and a priori rather attractive - derivation, by T. Barnes, of the Greek<br />

theonym Ἄρης from a root *h 2 reh 1 -, the present paper will start by highlighting some formal<br />

problems arising from this view, in particular the need to postulate an inversion of (the effects<br />

of) Stang’s Law in order to explain the Aeolic form of Ares’ name, Ἄρευς. These difficulties,<br />

it will be argued, can be avoided if the theonym directly instantiates Stang’s Law, and if an<br />

original nom. *h 2 reu-s (as preserved in Aeolic) is posited next to acc. *h 2 reu-m > *h 2 rēm ><br />

Ἄρην. In pre-Mycenaean times already (cf. Myc. dat. a-re etc.), Ἄρευς was then regularised<br />

as Ἄρης, with the nominative following the accusative because the onomastic use is<br />

secondary. The root involved must be the one posited in LIV (s.v.) as *reu̯ H- ‘aufreissen’<br />

(despite aniṭ evidence in Sanskrit): cf. Latin ruere ‘rip (up/down)’, Ved. rav- ‘wound’ (and,<br />

from *(H)reu-s-, OCS rušǫ ‘destroy’).<br />

Independent support for this proposal comes from the Old Latin carmen Arvale, in<br />

which Ares’ Roman counterpart Mars is addressed with the phrase ne uelue rue(m) ‘do not<br />

roll upon (us) ruem’. The hitherto obscure acc. rue(m) surfacing here can be equated with the<br />

Homeric acc. ἀρήν ‘destruction’, and be taken to reflect the Proto-Latin paradigm of *h 2 reu-s,<br />

viz. nom. *rous, acc. *rēm, gen. (*h 2 rw-es >) *rues, etc., whence ruēm by analogical<br />

transformation of the irregular accusative *rēm.<br />

In a last, more speculative, part, the paper will briefly explore if the root *h 2 reu- ‘to rip<br />

(apart)’ may not ultimately be connected with *h 2 erh 3 - ‘to plough’. Admitting Schwebeablaut,<br />

a pair *h 2 reh 3 - ~ *h 2 reu-, if conceived as *h 2 reh 3 (u̯ )-, resembles ‘long-diphthong roots’ of the<br />

shape *CeH(u̯ )-, and it more specifically evokes the case of *deh 3 - ~ *deu- ‘to give’ (i.e.<br />

notional *deh 3 (u̯ )-).<br />


Some Notes on the 3rd Person Future Forms in Lithuanian<br />

Yoko Yamazaki, University of Stockholm<br />

In Lithuanian or in Balto-Slavic, a phenomenon known as the Monosyllabic Circumflexion<br />

(MC) has been reported. MC is a phenomenon in which long vowels in monosyllabic words<br />

exhibit a circumflex tone instead of the expected acute, e.g., Lith. tiẽ ‘those (m.pl.nom.),’ cf.<br />

geríeji ‘the good...’ (def. m.pl.nom.). This is also observed in some root nouns: Latv. gùovs<br />

‘cow’ (← *g w ōu̯ s /*g w ōm < *g w ou-s /*g w ou-m).<br />

The 3rd person future forms with monosyllabic long stems are often said to represent the<br />

instances of MC, e.g., dúoti – duõs ‘to give.’ However, there are several exceptions, e.g., lýti<br />

– lìs ‘to rain,’ as listed by Senn (1966) and Petit (2002). Yet, the condition of the exceptions<br />

has not been fully analyzed in the context of the verbal system involving other tense<br />

paradigms.<br />

My close examination on Senn’s and Petit’s lists has revealed a clear tendency: those<br />

verbs whose 3rd person future forms are shortened have nasal presents as their present<br />

paradigms (and thematic aorists as their preterit paradigms), while those whose 3rd person<br />

future forms exhibit MC do not. In this paper, I will present a possible interpretation of the<br />

relationship between the shortened future forms in the 3rd person and their nasal present<br />

paradigms, by proposing an analogical process at the stage before the loss of the nasal<br />

preceding a resonant or a sibilant took place in pre-Lithuanian:<br />

present future infinitive<br />

3p. liñsa (> lį̃sa ) : lìs lìsti ‘to fall apart’<br />

= 3p. sluñga : X1 slū́ gti ‘to subside’ (pret. slū́ go)<br />

= 3p. *liñja (> lỹja ) : X2 lýti ‘to rain’<br />

X1 = slùgs, X2 = lìs<br />

I will claim that this approach enables us to comprehend the condition of the shortening in 3rd<br />

person future forms and its morphological motivation.<br />

Bibliography:<br />

Petit, D. 2002. “Abrègement et métatonie dans le futur lituanien: pour une reformulation de<br />

la loi de Leskien” Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris, IIIC(I), 245–282.<br />

Senn, A. 1966. Handbuch der litauischen Sprache. Carl Winter Universitätsverlag,<br />

Heidelberg.<br />


Topics for the Round table discussion<br />

Consider the following statements:<br />

The Indo-European lengthened grade vowels originated as a result of:<br />

(a) phonetic lengthening in monosyllables;<br />

(b) phonetic lengthening before certain consonants;<br />

(c) compensatory lengthening before lost consonants;<br />

(d) morphological developments;<br />

(e) other Indo-European developments;<br />

(f) pre-Proto-Indo-European developments.<br />

Which of these do you regard to be applicable in the case of the following seven categories of<br />

Sanskrit examples (taken from Wackernagel 1896: 66-7)?<br />

(1) root-nouns, e.g. su-hā́ rd-, dur-hā́ rd-.<br />

(2) primary derivatives, e.g. spārhá-, hā́ rdi, kā́ rṣin-, śráuṣṭī, cyautná-, kā́ rṣman-,<br />

bhā́ rman-.<br />

(3) the singular of certain presents, e.g. kṣṇáumi, mārṣṭi, yáumi.<br />

(4) the active of the s-aorist, e.g. ajaiṣam, abhārṣam.<br />

(5) nom.sg. dyáus, gáus, acc.sg. dyā́ m, gā́ m.<br />

(6) nom.sg. forms, e.g. sákhā, pitā́ , dātā́ .<br />

(7) loc.sg. forms, e.g. agnā́ , aktáu.<br />

Literature:<br />

Wackernagel, Jacob 1896: Altindische Grammatik I: Lautlehre. Göttingen.<br />


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