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Another long grade: Non-canonical ablaut involving Proto-Indo-European *ā Piotr Gąsiorowski, Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań The only undisputed source of PIE a-vocalism is *e coloured by an adjacent *h 2 . Assuming the archaic character of Narten ablaut (*ḗ : *é), and the resistance of long *ē to colouring, we can expect cases of *h 2 ēC-/*h 2 aC- and *Cēh 2 -/*Cah 2 - (> *ēC-/*aC-, *Cē-/*Cā-). Such an analysis does not predict alternations like *CāC-/*CaC-, which are nevertheless supported by the comparative evidence (e.g. *u̯ ā́ ĝ- /*u̯ áĝ- ‘break’). They are difficult to explain with the help of the laryngeal theory alone, or require questionable assumptions. I shall argue that the *ā́ : *á alternation is not a secondary effect of laryngeal colouring but an inherited pattern akin to *ḗ : *é (as well as *ó : *é), and deserves to be treated as a separate subtype of full-vowel ablaut. I shall try to provide examples of this pattern, define morphophonological constraints on its occurrence, and criteria for deciding which instances of *ā : *a are due to it rather than some secondary source of a-vocalism. Selected bibliography: Beekes, Robert S. P. 1988. PIE. RHC- in Greek and other languages. Indogermanische Forschungen 93, 22-45. Jasanoff, Jay H. 2003. Hittite and the Indo-European verb. Oxford: OUP. Kümmel, Martin Joachim. 1998. Wurzelpräsens neben Wurzelaorist im Indogermanischen. Historische Sprachforschung 111, 191-208. Lubotsky, Alexander. 1989. Against a Proto-Indo-European phoneme *a. In: Theo Vennemann (ed.), The new sound of Indo-European: essays in phonological reconstructions, Berlin–New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 53-66. Schindler, Jochem. 1972. L’Apophonie des nom-racines en indo-européen. Bulletin de la société de lin istiq e de Paris 67, 31-68. de Vaan, Michiel. 2004. ‘Narten’ roots from the Avestan point of view. In: Adam Hyllested, Anders Richardt Jørgensen, Jenny Helena Larsson & Thomas Olander (eds.), Per Aspera Ad Asteriscos. Studia Indogermanica in honorem Jens Elmegard Rasmussen sexagenarii Idibus Martiis anno MMIV, Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft, 591-599. 14
Notes on three “acrostatic” neuter s-stems Stefan Höfler, University of Vienna The neuter s-stem nouns usually reflect full grade in the root throughout the whole paradigm, whereas the suffix shows ablaut from o-grade in the nom.-acc. sg. to e-grade in the oblique stem. Based on his interpretation of different relic forms, Schindler (1975) argued that this paradigm (e.g. *u̯ ék u̯ -os : *u̯ ék u̯ -es- ʻword, speechʼ) replaced an older proterokinetic pattern (e.g. *u̯ ék u̯ -s : *u̯ k u̯ -és-). Even though some aspects of his argumentation have been criticized until recently, Schindler’s assumptions remain the basis for today’s communis opinio concerning the ablaut pattern of neuter s-stem nouns. At the end of his article, Schindler mentioned that there could have been s-stems of the acrostatic type B (i.e. R(ḗ)-S(z) : R(é)-S(z)-) as well, citing forms that reflect lengthened grade in the root and pairs with root vowel alternations. Schindler’s mere floating the possibility of their existence has consequently led to a broad acceptance of this type of neuter s-stems among many scholars to this day. In 1994, Schindler then suggested the existence of “Narten” roots – roots that show a systematic ablaut ē/ĕ in verbal and nominal formations instead of the common ĕ/z pattern, thus offering an alternative explanation for long-vowel s-stems. While some of his examples have been convincingly explained without the concept of “Narten” roots, the mystery of “acrostatic” s-stems remains widely unsolved. Taking a closer look at three of the most interesting examples (PIE *mḗd-os, *sḗd-os and *h 1 ḗd-os), this paper shall question both the concept of “acrostatic” neuter s-stems and the role of “Narten” roots in their respect. The aim of this paper is to examine the different possible explanations for the three s-stems, and, in a broader perspective, the parallel nominal and verbal formations of the underlying roots, and thus to re-evaluate the phenomenon of long-vowel s-stems. 15
Page 1 and 2: The lengthened grade in Indo-Europe
Page 3 and 4: Introduction In the off-years of th
Page 5 and 6: Programme Sunday, July 28 17:00 - 1
Page 7 and 8: Wednesday, July 31 Session 1: Germa
Page 9 and 10: Dehnstufen in der ‚Alteuropäisch
Page 11 and 12: On the lengthening of verbal bases
Page 13: Derivational modality? The rise (an
Page 17 and 18: Jokl, Norbert, 1916: Studien zur al
Page 19 and 20: Lengthened grade in Vedic root noun
Page 21 and 22: Analogical lengthened grades in the
Page 23 and 24: The Nominative Singular of *eh 2 -
Page 25 and 26: Surprise at length of Tocharian nou
Page 27 and 28: The accentuation of Balto-Slavic Vr
Page 29 and 30: Root-structure and the occurrence o
Page 31 and 32: ‛Expressive lengthening’ - ling
Page 33 and 34: The Proto-Indo-European *-VTs# clus
Page 35 and 36: The derivation of Slavic imperfecti
Page 37 and 38: The fourth makes it whole? The redu
Page 39 and 40: Zur Etymologie von griechisch κῆ
Page 41 and 42: Tone variation among Baltic ia-pres
Page 43 and 44: Some Notes on the 3rd Person Future

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