Gillian Clark, Christianity and Roman Society - Huntington University

136 BOOK REVIEWS
to gain further control in the first half of the nineteenth century produced similar protests.
The War of 1812 resulted in the Hartford Convention, when the states in New England
opposed the war, while the “Tariff of Abominations” in 1828 produced Calhoun’s
writings on nullification and the efforts by South Carolina to declare federal law to be
null and void. Watkins states that the ideas originally presented in the Kentucky and
Virginia Resolutions in 1798 had been widely accepted by the 1830s as the debate over
the relationship between the states and the national government continued.
Watkins further states that the fears of Jefferson and Madison and others in the
1790s have been realized. Power has been consolidated at the national level and the
federal system imagined by the Founding Fathers no longer exists. Watkins blames much
of the consolidation on the rise of political parties and the decision to remove the role of
the state legislatures from the election of Senators. Furthermore, the growing belief that
every problem is a national problem downplays and undermines the role of the states in
dealing with more local concerns. Watkins argues that both Congress and the Supreme
Court have assumed more power than was originally intended and thus have greatly
weakened the state governments.
Watkins concludes by asking “whether the beauty and purity of the federal system
given to us so long ago can and should be recovered” (136). He urges Americans to
regain an appreciation for the ideas expressed in the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions
in order to restore the American system as it was originally designed. He states that
“federalism remains relevant today for four practical reasons: (1) divergent local
circumstances, (2) the need for experimentation and competition in policy-making, (3)
the need to monitor those entrusted with power, and (4) the need to ensure that power is
properly diffused” (139). For Watkins, rediscovering these ideas about the proper
relationship between the state and national governments would restore an accurate
revolutionary tradition and give the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions their proper place
in the documentary pantheon of American history. He also concludes that such a
restoration would make the American system work better because, “if Americans
embrace the Resolves’ lessons about ultimate sovereignty and divided legislative
sovereignty, then a renewal of federalism and a restoration of our Constitution is
possible” (163).
Although one might argue with Watkins’ current application of the ideas of the
Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, a reader should not miss the good discussion of the
origins of these documents and the influence of their ideas over the years. Watkins
presents a carefully crafted summary of the events that led to the writing of these
resolutions and then precedes to show how the ideas of Jefferson and Madison influenced
others over time. Based on good research, Watkins shows how ideas can be influential in
a number of different ways and then asks thoughtful questions about what it all means.
This book should prove interesting to anyone interested in the history of the early United
States and the ideas behind the creation and early development of our government
system.