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The humanitarian impacts of economic sanctions on Burundi

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populati<strong>on</strong>, and a set <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> recommendati<strong>on</strong>s. It also includes a<br />

helpful Chr<strong>on</strong>ology <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Sancti<strong>on</strong>s (Appendix I). We believe readers<br />

will find the study interesting for a number <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> reas<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

First, the <str<strong>on</strong>g>sancti<strong>on</strong>s</str<strong>on</strong>g> against <strong>Burundi</strong> were undertaken at the<br />

initiative <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> and managed by the governments <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the regi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

Although they were am<strong>on</strong>g a series <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> measures supported by the<br />

UN Security Council, Lakhdar Bahimi, UN under-secretarygeneral<br />

for the Secretary General’s Preventive and Peacemaking<br />

Efforts, observed they were applied “neither by the Security<br />

Council, as had been the case with Iraq and Yugoslavia, nor by the<br />

established Organizati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> African Unity (OAU) as the prominent<br />

regi<strong>on</strong>al organizati<strong>on</strong>, as had been the case with <str<strong>on</strong>g>sancti<strong>on</strong>s</str<strong>on</strong>g> against<br />

Haiti by the Organizati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> American States (OAS) that were later<br />

endorsed by the United Nati<strong>on</strong>s.” 2 <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> effectiveness <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> such<br />

measures in their own terms, as well as their relati<strong>on</strong>ship to similar<br />

measures with a more direct UN c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong>, bear review.<br />

Sec<strong>on</strong>d, the <str<strong>on</strong>g>sancti<strong>on</strong>s</str<strong>on</strong>g>, initially imposed without exempti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

for <str<strong>on</strong>g>humanitarian</str<strong>on</strong>g> supplies, affected not <strong>on</strong>ly the health and welfare<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> civilians in <strong>Burundi</strong> but also the work <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> internati<strong>on</strong>al <str<strong>on</strong>g>humanitarian</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

organizati<strong>on</strong>s. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> evoluti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>humanitarian</str<strong>on</strong>g> exempti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

and the advocacy role played by the organizati<strong>on</strong>s in pressing for<br />

such measures are both <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> interest well bey<strong>on</strong>d <strong>Burundi</strong>.<br />

Third, the special circumstances <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>Burundi</strong>, a landlocked<br />

country with more than 90 percent <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> its populati<strong>on</strong> engaged in<br />

subsistence agriculture and functi<strong>on</strong>ing largely outside <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />

country’s formal ec<strong>on</strong>omy, raise interesting analytical issues about<br />

the results <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>sancti<strong>on</strong>s</str<strong>on</strong>g> in what appears to be a “best-case” setting.<br />

Finally, when <str<strong>on</strong>g>sancti<strong>on</strong>s</str<strong>on</strong>g> were imposed <strong>Burundi</strong> was a country<br />

already in severe <str<strong>on</strong>g>humanitarian</str<strong>on</strong>g> crisis. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> questi<strong>on</strong> thus arises <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

the appropriateness <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>ec<strong>on</strong>omic</str<strong>on</strong>g> coerci<strong>on</strong>, however impeccable its<br />

political objectives. Is there a threshold <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> human suffering, our<br />

c<strong>on</strong>sultants ask, bey<strong>on</strong>d which <str<strong>on</strong>g>sancti<strong>on</strong>s</str<strong>on</strong>g> should no l<strong>on</strong>ger be<br />

imposed?<br />

We note at the outset that Drs. Hoskins and Nutt encountered<br />

several serious methodological problems. First was that <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> identifying<br />

the role played by <str<strong>on</strong>g>ec<strong>on</strong>omic</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>sancti<strong>on</strong>s</str<strong>on</strong>g> in producing <str<strong>on</strong>g>humanitarian</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

hardship, <strong>on</strong> the <strong>on</strong>e hand, and in promoting the desired<br />

vii

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