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Essays On Gender And Governance - United Nations Development ...

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<strong>Gender</strong> and <strong>Governance</strong>: An Introduction<br />

not privileged. 10 The state also performs the rites (marriage,<br />

divorce) that enable people to enter into and depart from that privileged<br />

sphere. Thus, it makes little sense to treat the family as a unit<br />

that exists by nature. In modern societies, it is an eminently political<br />

creation, and in that sense thoroughly a part of the public realm.<br />

Moreover, the policies that the public realm adopts with regard<br />

to family, marriage, divorce, child custody and related matters,<br />

strongly influence many other aspects of life in society. Women<br />

who are victims of domestic violence or marital rape are less likely<br />

to contribute to the economy as workers (a claim established in the<br />

<strong>United</strong> States by the hearings supporting the Violence Against<br />

Women Act). They are also less likely to participate in politics or<br />

public administration. As Jürgen Habermas has argued, even if<br />

we consider only the needs of the public sphere, we have strong<br />

reason to protect the human rights of women and girls within the<br />

family, for bodily integrity and good physical and mental health<br />

are crucial prerequisites of women’s political participation. 11 So<br />

too is education - and the nature of the family is a crucial<br />

determinant of whether girls get the type of education that will<br />

facilitate later participation in politics. Thus one cannot study<br />

governance as if it were a matter pertaining only to the realm of<br />

laws, institutions, or even the informal groups of civil society.<br />

Family policy and the nature of the family are an important part of<br />

what renders women able, or unable, to function productively in<br />

the public realm.<br />

Normatively, the distinction between public and private should<br />

be questioned because, as this argument has illustrated, it has<br />

typically been used to insulate bad behavior from scrutiny. 12<br />

10<br />

Martha Minow, “All in the Family,” shows that the U. S. used such definitions<br />

systematically to favor certain immigrant groups over others.<br />

11<br />

Jürgen Habermas, “<strong>On</strong> the Internal Relation between the Rule of Law and Democracy,”<br />

European Journal of Philosophy 3 (1995), 12-20.<br />

12<br />

See also Catharine MacKinnon’s classic critique in “Privacy v. Equality: Beyond Roe v.<br />

Wade,” in MacKinnon, Feminism Unmodified (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,<br />

1997), 93-102; MacKinnon, Toward a Feminist Theory of the State (Cambridge, MA:<br />

Harvard University Press, 1999), 190-94; see also MacKinnon, “Reflections on Sex Equality<br />

Under Law,” Yale Law Journal 100 (1991), 1281-1324. For a detailed study of the way the<br />

distinction worked in U. S. history to insulate domestic violence from scrutiny, see Reva B.<br />

Siegel, “‘The Rule of Love’: Wife Beating as Prerogative and Privacy,” The Yale Law Journal<br />

105 (1996), 2117-2207.<br />

9

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