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etween Hungarians and Romanians (Ormos: 1998, L. Nagy: 1998, Erdély története,<br />

1987: 1701-1732, Roth, 1996: 121-125).<br />

In 1920 the Treaty of Trianon stipulated that Romania would add Transylvania, Partium<br />

and some of Banat to its territory. Besides Romanians and Szeklers, there were about<br />

1.3 million Hungarians (Varga, 2000) living in a newly formed territory that measured<br />

102,200 km 2 . Moreover, a Nationalities’ Convention signed at Paris in 1919 was added<br />

to the Treaty in order to stabilise the situation of so many nationalities. Art.11 of the<br />

Convention mentioned that Romania would agree that Szeklers and Saxons in<br />

Transylvania were allowed to have local autonomy over education and religion under<br />

the State’s control, but the Convention was not ratified (Roth, 1996: 121-126, Mikó,<br />

1941: 9-15, 267-271).<br />

Hungarians in Transylvania – an ethnic minority of the newly formed state - were<br />

disappointed when Transylvania was added to Romania. They believed it was a<br />

temporary situation. From 1918 to 1920 Transylvanian Hungarians passed a lethargic<br />

political period. Their expectations made Hungarians refuse to sign the required loyalty<br />

oath to the Romanian State. Thus many public functionaries and State employees were<br />

fired. An emigration wave of Hungarian population from Romania to Hungary was<br />

recorded between 1918 and 1923 - about 70,000 Hungarians left the country in 1920. A<br />

total of about 150,000 Hungarians crossed the border to settle in Hungary between 1918<br />

and 1922. Then the mass exodus stopped (Mikó, 1941: 15-18, Erdély rövid története,<br />

1989: 579-594).<br />

In 1921, Károly Kós (one of the spiritual leaders of the Hungarian minority between the<br />

two world wars) publicly expressed in the Resounding Voice manifesto (Kiáltó szó), the<br />

acceptance of the new political reality after the Peace Treaty of Trianon. He encouraged<br />

Hungarians to be active and accept reality. On behalf of the Romanian citizens of<br />

Hungarian ethnicity, religion, and language, he demanded national autonomy in<br />

exchange for their civic loyalty. Within the Hungarian communities, there was an<br />

intense polemic regarding the new state frameworks. While the young generation joined<br />

Károly Kós’ proposal, there were people who refused to get integrated and urged others<br />

to discredit the Romanian State (Mikó, 1941: 19-26, Bárdi, 1995, Romsics, 1998a).<br />

Hungarians in Transylvania tried to establish their own political parties in 1921. After<br />

many unsuccessful attempts, they formed the National Party of Hungarians (Országos<br />

Magyar Párt). This was led by the aristocracy and was the only political and defence<br />

body of this ethnic minority. On its behalf many complaints about restrictive Romanian<br />

policies were addressed to the League of Nations. The Party had a significant impact in<br />

the area. The presence of Hungarians, as well as of Jews, was also felt in the<br />

Communist party. Marxist ideology allowed an approach to community problems in<br />

terms of social rights regardless of the members’ ethnic belonging (Erdély rövid<br />

története, 1989: 583-593).<br />

According to the 1923 Constitution, the most democratic Constitution that Romania had<br />

so far had, Romania was defined as a “Unitary National State”, though the proportion of<br />

people belonging to nationalities other than Romanian was about 23 to 25% of the total<br />

population. This indicated a nationalist nuance in the outline of the framework of the<br />

Constitution. This nuance that was also reflected in the application of the 1921 Agrarian<br />

Reform, in the differentiated interpretation of the tax system, and in the problems<br />

recorded during local and general elections (among which the fraudulent actions of the<br />

liberal government were notorious). All of them had a negative impact on the general<br />

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