Southeast Europe

to merit representation in both the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate (Bugajski,
1994:206). The party also participated in the Council for National Minorities formed in
1993, although it left after just a few months, claiming that the Council was inefficient
and therefore totally ineffective.
The 1996 elections saw the DAHR become part of the governing coalition of Romania.
This was the first time that a political association representing a national minority had
taken part in the government. The fact that it represented the Hungarian minority had
particular significance, given the antagonistic history between Hungarians and
Romanians (Weber, 1988:222). This development shows clearly the extent to which the
Hungarians of Romania have become integrated.
The observer has to be aware of the fact that the main goal of the Hungarians in
Romania remains the preservation of their distinct national identity, and one possible
strategy for them is to participate in the state-level politics. One may conclude that
Hungarians are integrated in many respects, but this integration level is low regarding
cultural aspects. There are also important regional differences, explained by the
percentage of Hungarians living in a particular region.
Hungarians in Romania can be described as a parallel society. As noted in the section
regarding identity, Hungarians strengthen their sense of common belonging by the
rising awareness of Hungarian identity. The establishment of the DAHR was the first
step toward creating a separate system of institutions. The DAHR is not only a political
party, but also an organisation that intends to organise certain aspects of the lives of
Hungarians in Romania. The creation and maintenance of educational, cultural, and
civic institutions do this (Kántor, 1996).
2.2.3 Awareness of having an ethnic or a national identity
Under the Ceauşescu regime, protests were muffled, but they were heard. Beginning in
the spring of 1977, Hungarians from Transylvania began to protest against what they
saw as unfair treatment meted out because of the fact that they were Hungarian.
Investigating the collective action of Hungarians, one can demonstrate their awareness
of having a national identity. The demonstration for a separate Hungarian university,
followed by the ethnic clashes in Târgu Mureş in March 1990, can be included here, and
it is worth mentioning that Hungarians in both general and local elections vote for the
DAHR or for Hungarian candidates (Székely, 1996). The low level of mixed marriages
can be seen as a manifestation of national awareness. The creation of hundreds of
Hungarian institutions is also a good example (Bíró, 1998). During the communist
regime, Hungarians used the state-sponsored media, mainly the written one, to
strengthen the identity of Hungarians in Romania. The Ellenpontok samizdat newsletter
was a form of protest against the policy of assimilation (Tóth, 1994) (see also 2.1.3).
The Ethnobarometer also poses some questions providing an insight into the
behavioural patterns of Hungarians. Raţ (2000:283) asserts that ethnic identity is very
important, individualistic patterns being less popular among Hungarians than among
Romanians because “we” is more important for a minority population that identifies
itself through opposition to the majority.
2.2.4 Level of homogeneity in the minority’s identity
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