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consider the achievement of the Greater Romania as the result of a necessary and<br />

objective process of historical development (Constantiniu, 1997:307).<br />

The permanent diplomatic conflict during this period was finally expressed in the<br />

Vienna dictate (1940) when Northern Transylvania was given to Hungary. After the<br />

Second World War Romania and Hungary became allies as members of the socialist<br />

camp, but even then, the territorial dispute didn’t stop. This conflict has deep historical<br />

roots that cannot be forgotten, even under the adoption of Marxist-Leninist ideology<br />

(Iordachi, 1999).<br />

During the communist years, historiography was the main ideological battlefield and a<br />

direct source of legitimacy for political power (Verdery, 1991). The historiographic<br />

conflict became very important in the 1980’s, exceeding the limits of an intellectual<br />

dispute. New myths and traumatic memories were created or invoked, having as a<br />

background the World War II experience. The Hungarian monthly Kritika (from August<br />

and September 1984) published wartime documents that were subsequently deemed<br />

offensive by Romanian historians. In December of the same year, România Literară, the<br />

Romanian Writers’ Union’s weekly, criticised the Kritika articles for their alleged<br />

“fascist, revanchist, anti-Romanian ideas”. The dispute continues with a book<br />

describing the “cruelties” of the Hungarian administration written by two historians – A.<br />

Fătu and I. Mureşan (Iordachi, 1999).<br />

In December 1985, the cultural magazine Contemporanul published a piece signed by<br />

Constantin Botoran and Ioan Calafeteanu. It presented Hungarian History-World<br />

History, a collection of studies published in Budapest by Peter Gosztony. Botoran and<br />

Calafeteanu displayed the well-known arsenal of misinformation: insinuation, truncated<br />

quotation, and ambiguities. In 1986 (December 5), the cultural magazine România<br />

Literară published an article “Revisionists and Chauvinists at Work Again” in response<br />

to the article entitled “Independent Transylvania” published in the Spanish issue of<br />

“Hungarian magazine” in 1985, written by Hungarian Petter Ruffy, which dealt with<br />

Transylvanian history from 1541 to 1681.<br />

In this atmosphere, in 1987 the Hungarian Academy Publishing House launched a threevolume<br />

“History of Transylvania”, whose editor in chief was Hungary’s Minister of<br />

Culture, Béla Köpeczi. Romanian authorities took a stand and N. Ceauşescu mobilised<br />

the whole historical community to react and to write a riposte. In any case, behind the<br />

historiographic dispute other things were hidden, and this visible conflict was only the<br />

vehicle of the true one between the two countries allies according to the rules of the<br />

communist diplomacy, both members of the Warsaw pact (Iordachi, 1999).<br />

1.2 Economic and demographic data<br />

The territory of Transylvania has changed hands several times during the course of<br />

history. In order to examine ethnic-demographic tendencies in the territory of present<br />

Transylvania, major “officially authentic” data sources can be found both in the<br />

Hungarian censuses made between 1857 and 1910, and 1941 – the Trianon year and in<br />

the Romanian census conducted after the First World War, when Romania took over<br />

Transylvania.<br />

After the 1848 – 1849 revolution, the first census was made in 1850. Its data are of<br />

utmost importance to a better knowledge of the Transylvanian ethnic and confessional<br />

structure in the mid-nineteenth century. When the Crimean War was over, and the new<br />

16

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