Full text - orsam

Report No: 151, April 2013 

DEMOCRACY PROCESS AND PROBLEMS 

IN IRAQI KURDISTAN 

IRAK KÜRDİSTAN BÖLGESİ’NDE 

DEMOKRASİ SÜRECİ VE SORUNLARI 

CENTER FOR Ortadoğu MIDDLE Stratejik EASTERN Araştırmalar STRATEGIC Merkezi STUDIES 

ORTADOĞU STRATEJİK ARAŞTIRMALAR MERKEZİ 

Center for Mıddle Eastern Strategıc Studıes 

مركز الشرق األوسط للدراسات االستراتيجية 

ORSAM 

CENTER FOR MIDDLE EASTERN STRATEGIC STUDIES

DEMOCRACY PROCESS AND PROBLEMS 

IN IRAQI KURDISTAN 

IRAK KÜRDİSTAN BÖLGESİ’NDE 

DEMOKRASİ SÜRECİ VE SORUNLARI 

ORSAM Report No: 151 

April 2013 

ISBN: 978-605-4615-48-3 

Ankara - TURKEY ORSAM © 2013 

Content of this report is copyrighted to ORSAM. Except reasonable and partial quotation and exploitation under the Act No. 

5846, Law on Intellectual and Artistic Works, via proper citation, may not be used or re-published without prior permission by 

ORSAM. Assessments expressed in this report reflect only the opinions of its authors and do not represent the instiutional 

opinion of ORSAM.

ORSAM 

center for mıddle eastern strategıc studıes 

Strategıc Informatıon Management and 

Indepentdent Thought Productıon 

CENTER FOR MIDDLE EASTERN STRATEGIC STUDIES 

History 

In Turkey, the shortage of research on the Middle East grew more conspicuous than ever during 

the early 90’s. Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) was established in January 

1, 2009 in order to provide relevant information to the general public and to the foreign 

policy community. The institute underwent an intensive structuring process, beginning to concentrate 

exclusively on Middle affairs. 

Outlook on the Middle Eastern World 

It is certain that the Middle East harbors a variety of interconnected problems. However, neither 

the Middle East nor its people ought to be stigmatized by images with negative connotations. 

Given the strength of their populations, Middle Eastern states possess the potential to 

activate their inner dynamics in order to begen peaceful mobilizations for development. Respect 

for people’s willingness to live together, respect for the sovereign right of states and respect 

for basic human rights and individual freedoms are the prerequisities for assuring peace and 

tranquility, both domesticalhly and internationally. In this context, Turkey must continue to 

make constructive contributions to the establishment of regional stability and prosperity in its 

vicinity. 

ORSAM’s Think-Tank Research 

ORSAM, provides the general public and decision-making organizations with enlightening information 

about international politics in order to promote a healtier understanding of international 

policy issues and to help them to adopt appropriate positions. In order to present effective 

solutions, ORSAM supports high quality research by intellectuals and researchers that are competent 

in a variety of disciplines. ORSAM’s strong publishing capacity türansmits meticulous 

analyses of regional developments and trends to the interested parties. With its web site, its 

books, reports, and periodicals, ORSAM supports the development of Middle Eastern literature 

on a national and international scale. ORSAM supports the development of Middle Eastern 

literature on a national and international scala. ORSAM facilitates the sharing of knowledge 

and ideas with the Turkish and international communities by inviting statesmen, bureaucrats, 

academics, strategicts, businessmen, journalists, and NGO representatives to Turkey. 

www.orsam.org.tr

Yusuf Muhammad Sadiq 

He graduated from the department of Law and Political Sciences, Salahaddin University 

in Arbil in 2001. He did his masters degree in 2007 in the Faculty of Political Sciences at 

Nahrain University, in Baghdad. Nowadays, he continues his PhD on “Factors Affecting 

the Politics of the Future of Kurdistan” at University of Sulaymaniyah. Also, he works as 

a faculty member in the department of Political Sciences at University of Sulaymaniyah. 

Sadık, who is the founder of the chamber of political coordinatorship, worked as the 

coordinator of Board of Trustees of Kurdish Institute for Elections. He has been the 

member of board of trustees of the Center for Human Rights and Democracy Development 

since 2008, and the member of Coordination Committee of Opposition Parties 

since 2011. He still works as the Coordinator of Research Department of the Gorran 

Movement (Movement for Change).

PRESENTATION 

ORSAM attaches great importance to studies that are based on field search and observations on 

site as a part of its working principles. Therefore, in addition to the field search carried out by 

ORSAM specialists, ORSAM also gives weight to publications including the opinions of those 

who are specialists in their field in their own geographies. 

This report is an important study including observations, analyses, evaluation, and perspectives 

of specialists, who live abroad, on their own regions. This report entitled, “Democracy Process 

and Problems in Iraqi Kurdistan” contributes to Iraqi studies which is one of the major issues 

that ORSAM attaches importance to. The report puts forward the political process in Iraqi Kurdistan, 

which is of direct interest to Turkey, from past to present; and also it reflects the views 

of an academician who live in Iraqi Kurdistan in terms of its internal politics. In this respect, a 

detailed perspective is put forward on the past political process of Iraqi Kurdistan from inside. 

Furthermore, it is also extremely important in terms of setting forth the challenges and obstacles 

that Iraqi Kurdistan is facing today in democratization and political development process. Besides, 

the fact that it also includes solution offers to eliminate challenges and obstacles before the 

political process that Iraqi Kurdistan has been going through increases the value of the report. 

We hope that this study will be helpful for our readers who are interested in the subject. 

Hasan Kanbolat 

ORSAM Director 

4 

ORSAM 

Report No: 151, April 2013

Contents 

Presentation.............................................................................................................................................4 

Abstract.....................................................................................................................................................7 

1. POLITICAL SYSTEM IN KURDISTAN REGIONAL GOVERNMENT..............................9 

1.1. Administrative System in Iraqi Kurdistan............................................................................9 

1.2. Position of KDP and PUK in Political System of Iraqi Kurdistan....................................11 

2 CHALLENGES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PROCESS IN IRAQI KURDISTAN..................14 

2.1. Lack of Constitution..................................................................................................................15 

2.2. Deficiency of Rule of Law.........................................................................................................15 

2.3. Violation of Human Rights, Public Freedoms, and Freedom of Expression..................15 

2.4. Election Violations.....................................................................................................................16 

2.5. Multi-Party System and Peaceful Transfer of the Government.......................................17 

3. CONSEQUENCES AND SUGGESTIONS...................................................................................18 

ORSAM 

Report No: 151, April 2013 5

ORSAM Report No: 151, April 2013 

By 

: Yusuf Muhammet Sadık 

Translated by : Aytekin Enver, 

ORSAM Middle East Research Assistantı 

ORSAM 

ORSAM 


DEMOCRACY PROCESS AND 

PROBLEMS IN IRAQI KURDISTAN 

Abstract 

- Injustice, inequity, genocide, nationalism and disrespect to human rights by dictator regimes successively 

coming into power in Iraq led to 1991 March (Azar) uprising, objection of Kurdish populations to live under 

those regimes, and also led them to form democratic regime in the region. 

- The constitution project of the region was not accepted. However, the laws of the constitution project which 

regulate the articles especially on the relationship between executive and legislative organs and also which 

regulate the authorities of speaker and head of the region indicates that broad authorities were given to the 

head of the region by making concessions from the parliamentary regime. 

- In 1992 general elections, Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) were 

the only political parties in the region which received more than 7 per cent of the votes, and entered the 

parliament. This situation led these two political parties (KDP and PUK) to split the ministries 50-50 among 

themselves. 

- The lack of constitutional document, which clearly designates the relationship between citizens, political 

parties and the government as well as the relationship between legislative, executive and judicial powers, is 

one of the most important political problems of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). 

- The reports of civilian institutions which monitors judicial organs within KRG reveal a great number of 

judicial violations and deficiency of the rule of law. These reports point out the interventions of government, 

security forces, political parties, tribes and individuals to jurisdiction. This situation further increases political 

and social violence, as well as political and social conflicts in the region. 

- Although there are lots of political parties within KRG and the freedom to found political party exists, there 

is no such thing as party pluralism. 

- Civilian democratic system foundations should be laid in the region. Within this scope, the KRG Constitution 

Project should be revised and a balance should be established among executive, legislative and judicial 

organs to fix the violations within the parliamentary system in order to form a national consensus. 

- In order to prevent further civil wars, political armed violence and to create an environment that supports 

peaceful rivalry among all political parties in the region, it is required to reorganize armed, security and 

intelligence forces in the region in a professional way based on national foundations away from party and 

political affiliations. 

- It is necessary to develop effective, objective, independent mechanisms and judicial institutions which provide 

the rule of law. Those institutions and mechanisms should completely respect the judicial system, and the 

reliability should be provided. 

- In order to eliminate injustices, the use of administrative and judicial methods which respect administrative 

and judicial decisions of state mechanisms, administrative representatives and member of the public and 

which guarantee their rights should be based on parity. 

- It is necessary to guarantee fundamental rights of the citizens such to demonstrate, freedom of expression 

and freedom of press through law, and also it is required to amend laws that conflict with it. 

- The public force and state institutions should not be used against the opposition parties in political conflicts 

in order to reinforce the political pluralism in the region. Appropriation should be allocated for political parties 

within KRG based on transparency and equitable principles. 

ORSAM 


ORSAM 


Introduction 

The administrative experience of Iraqi Kurdistan 

started as a result of the fact that the 

people in the region no longer wanted to live 

under the rule of former Iraqi regime following 

the popular uprising that took place on 

March 1991. In the past, the people did not 

ask for such a thing. Because the aforesaid 

regimes had committed horrible murders 

against these people by encroaching their 

political, national and humanitarian rights in 

an environment of deprivation and tyranny. 

Such that, these murders had almost reached 

genocide level in the Halabja and Anfal operation. 

Therefore, the people in KRG surged 

into neighboring countries on late March and 

early April 1991, after the Iraqi troops returned 

to Kurdish regions. As a result of this, the 

international community intervened and decided 

to form safe zones in northern Iraq for 

Kurds. After the Iraqi regime took a decision 

for all political, military and civilian state institutions 

and organizations to withdraw from 

Sulaymaniya, Erbil and Duhok on October 

1991, “de facto” administrations emerged in 

the areas where Kurds seized control. Those 

steps encouraged Kurdish political parties to 

fill the authority gap and establish a democratic 

political regime based on the votes of 

electors in the areas under their own control. 

The first democratic election was held on 

May 1992 to elect the leader of National Assembly 

and Kurdish liberation movement for 

the administration of the areas where Kurds 

seize control. As a result of this election, the 

government was established and civilian and 

judicial institutions and organizations started 

to be created in the region. However, the civil 

war and conflicts between the two major 

parties; Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) 

and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) prevented 

further development of this young democratic 

experience. As a result, autonomous 

Iraqi Kurdistan was divided into two parts, 

each controlled by different political parties. 

At this point, analyzing the problems before 

the democratic process besides the political 

system in Iraqi Kurdistan, and solution to be 

offered to these problems becomes important. 

The Reason of the Research 

This research strives to shed light on the political 

system that emerged as a result of the 

transition that took place in early 1990s, set 

of this system in the following process, and 

the factors that ruined the democratic view 

here. To that end, a series of questions will be 

strived to be answered. Some of these questions 

might be listed as follows: What is the 

administrative structure of Iraqi Kurdistan? Is 

this a parliamentary system, or a presidential 

system? How does it affect the democratic 

process in the region? What is the impact of 

the relations among political parties, especially 

the relations between KDP and PUK 

which are two parties in power, on administrative 

institutions and organizations in the 

region? What are the most important reflections 

and setbacks of the democratic system 

in the region? 

Hypothesis of the Research 

Besides these main problems, some secondary 

questions will be strived to be answered 

through hypothesis: “The democratic process 

under the influence of relations between the 

two political parties in power within KRG 

is faced with a series of problems, and these 

problems lead to eviscerating the real content 

that would provide the public interest”. 

Research Method 

Descriptive method will be used to prove the 

main hypothesis of the research and to explain 

the most important characteristics of the 

8 

ORSAM 


DEMOCRACY PROCESS AND PROBLEMS IN IRAQI KURDISTAN 

ORSAM 

administrative system in the region. Similarly, 

to learn the primary inputs and outputs of the 

political process in KRG, systematic method 

will be used. 

Structure of the Research 

The research was divided in two parts. In the 

first part, the structure of political system in 

the region will be handled by putting forward 

the structure of the administrative system in 

the region, as well as the position of two parties 

in power and their impact on the political 

order and the institutions in the region. In the 

second part, on the other hand, the problems 

before the democratic process in the region 

will be addressed. 

1. POLITICAL SYSTEM IN KURDISTAN 

REGIONAL GOVERNMENT 

Political system is the whole constitutional 

principles, laws, political structure, institutions 

and mechanisms, which are used by 

the regime to put forward its will, and from 

which the state takes its presence and continuity 

1 . We are going to try to know the political 

system in KRG by dealing with the administrative 

system, political parties, their relationship, 

and the impact of these relations on 

the political regime in the region. Thus, it will 

be possible to address the most important 

problems that the democratic process in the 

region has been faced with in the following 

section of the study. 

1.1. Administrative System in Iraqi 

Kurdistan 

What is meant by the administrative system 

is the relationship between the administrative 

system and powers, especially legislative and 

executive powers, in KRG. In general, this 

relationship is regulated through constitutions 

which put forward how to shape the relationship 

among themselves by designating 

the authorities and responsibilities of both 

powers. 

The draft constitution of KRG has not yet 

been finalized. The Article 6 of the KRG constitution 

law dated 2008 and numbered 16 envisages 

to put the constitution to the vote of 

KRG citizens after being adopted by majority 

of the members of parliament. 

The draft constitution of the Kurdistan region 

was prepared by a special commission that 

had been created in accordance with the decision 

dated 8 September 2005 and numbered 

5 2 of the KRG Parliament. This commission 

was composed of academicians, jurists and 

members of the parliament. 3 When the draft 

constitution 4 was presented to KRG parliament 

on 24 June 2009, it was accepted with 

more than two thirds of the votes of members 

of the parliament. 5 However, the fact that the 

draft constitution was accepted when the second 

period was over poses problem in accordance 

with the Article 46 and Article 51 of the 

KRG Parliamentary Electoral Law. 6 

Besides all these, it is stated in the Article 1 of 

the aforesaid draft constitution that the political 

system in the region is a parliamentary, 

republican and a democratic system. 7 However, 

considering other articles of the draft, 

especially within the context of the authorities 

of President of the region, it is seen that 

it was explicitly drifted apart from the parliamentary 

system. In some articles of the draft 

constitution, the President is envisaged to be 

elected through direct secret ballot by the 

people. 8 Within this context, the President is 

given the authority to publish a decree or not 

in the following cases in addition to other authorities: 

9 

a– To form government after receiving the 

vote of confidence from the parliament, 

ORSAM 


ORSAM 


b– To discharge ministers from the office in 

case prime minister demands their resignation 

or the parliament removes the vote 

of confidence, 

c– To assign the members of the constitutional 

court after the parliament ratifies the 

candidates, 

d– To assign judges, head of the judicial supervisory 

council, members and head of 

the prosecution service after the ratification 

of candidates by the jurisdiction in the 

region. 

e– To assign presidents of independent council 

and high council after the ratification of 

candidates by the parliament. 

f– To establish the offices of KRG abroad in 

coordination with the respective commission 

within the federal government and 

with the proposal of the head of government, 

g– To assign those with special rank through 

nomination by respective minister and 

approval of the council of ministers. 

Similarly, in accordance with the draft constitution, 

the President shall issue a decree and 

shall have the power to declare a state of emergency, 

after consulting with the Speaker of the 

Parliament and the Prime Minister of Kurdistan, 

and obtaining their consent. 10 Thus, 

granting such broad authorities to the President 

of the Region leads to deviation from 

the parliamentary system. 11 Besides, this draft 

constitution gives the authority to intervene 

in administrative system of the region, parliament, 

government and judiciary power 12 

to the President of the Region. Furthermore, 

except for certain cases, it is not monitored 

by the parliament (except for perjury of the 

constitutional oath, serious violation of the 

Constitution, or high treason). It brings along 

severe implementations. In other words, they 

are impeached only by a vote of a majority of 

two-thirds of the members the Members of 

Parliament. 13 However, in accordance with 

the constitutional law, this situation conflicts 

with the basic principles of the parliamentary 

system. 14 

Deviation from the parliamentary system 

is explicitly seen in laws regulating judicial 

power and executive power, and which are 

recognized as constitutional laws in the absence 

of constitution. In accordance with the 

Article 56 dated 1992 and numbered 1 of the 

Electoral Law of KRG Parliament, by granting 

vote of confidence or no-confidence to 

the government, parliament shall monitor the 

government (This situation is a clear evidence 

for the parliamentary system). The KRG 

Presidential Law dated 2005 and numbered 

1 gives broad authorities to President of the 

Region, similar to the draft constitution of the 

Region. 15 However, there is no judicial power 

or parliamentary control to monitor the actions 

of the President. In addition, the President 

of the Region was also given the title of 

Head of the Regional Security Council in accordance 

with the KRG Security Council Law. 

This council has the authority to intervene in 

the following fields; economy, politics, diplomacy, 

security, intelligence, political parties, 

health, trade, communication, information 

systems. 16 

Deviation from the parliamentary system 

leads to monopolizing powers without any 

control or monitoring. This situation might 

lead to emergence of a dictatorial regime. 17 

Similarly, just like during the period of former 

President Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, the 

President might use his power and authorities 

in a way to serve the party’s and personal interests. 

18 This deviation again leads to elimination 

of mutual flexible balance and control 

10 

ORSAM 



ORSAM 

between legislative and executive powers. 19 

And this is considered as the most typical 

characteristics of the parliamentary system. 20 

Here, it is necessary to mention the political 

party experience in the region in order to show 

KRG’s administrative experience. Because it 

is quite hard to consider administrative institutions 

separately from the political parties in 

the region, because the aforesaid institutions 

were extremely affected by the relationship 

among political parties, especially by the relations 

between KDP and PUK. 21 As a matter of 

fact, the conflicts, wars and alliances between 

the aforesaid political parties directly affected 

the parliament and the regional government. 

1.2. Position of KDP and PUK in Political 

System of Iraqi Kurdistan 

The political parties in KRG started to appear 

in parallel with the increasing number of groups 

taking part in the armed struggle against 

the former regime. Those political parties, 

except for the Islamic Movement 22 , were gathered 

under the umbrella of the KRG front. 23 

However, the aforesaid parties’ role became 

weaker as they did not have seat within the 

KRG National Council and no other parties 

except for KDP and PUK could not enter the 

council due to the fact that other political parties 

could not pass the 7-percent threshold 24 . 

This situation led two major parties KDP and 

PUK to prevail in the political platform for a 

long time. 

On 22 May 1992, KDP and PUK agreed on 

sharing all authorities based on 50-50 sharing 

all authorities within the government and 

National Council as well as the seats within 

the National Council. However, five seats 

which had been allocated for Christians in 

the Assembly were excluded, and other parties 

which lost the elections were consoled 25 

with some ministries. 26 The first meeting of 

the Parliament of the Region was held in Erbil 

on 4 June 1992. In the aforesaid meeting, 

Jawhar Namiq Salim from KDP was elected 

as the president of the Kurdistan National Assembly, 

and Muhammad Tawfiq Rahim from 

PUK was elected as the vice-president of the 

Assembly. Also, Dr. Ruz Nouri Shavis from 

KDP was assigned as deputy prime minister 

when the first government in Kurdistan Region 

was formed by the leadership of Dr. Fuat 

Masum from PUK on 4 July 1992. 27 Meanwhile, 

the Assyrian Democratic Movement, 

Communist Party, Labour Party and Union 

Party gained a ministry each. 28 On the other 

hand, the Islamic Movement refused to enter 

in government and stayed out of the regional 

government and National Assembly. 29 

Formation of the regional government is considered 

as a historical step for Kurds in general, 

and for Iraqi Kurds in particular. Because 

Kurds had the opportunity to form a government 

only twice in history. The first one is the 

government that was formed by Sheikh Mahmoud 

in 1922, and subverted as a result of 

the British attack within less than a year. The 

second experience, on the other hand, took 

place in 1946 during the Kadi Muhammad 

period. However, this government could not 

last even a year either, and was subverted as 

a result of Iranian army’s attack on Mahabad 

which was the capital of the Kurdish Republic. 

30 

Thus, the Kurdistan Regional Government 

achieved to fill the political administrative 

and economic gap that emerged as result of 

the withdrawal of former political regime in 

Iraq from Kurdish regions. The government 

created an umbrella for volunteer schools, Seladdin 

University in Erbil, hospital and similar 

public institutions and organizations. Likewise, 

other governments that were formed following 

this government established political, 

financial and administrative institutions and 

organizations, and provided services. 

ORSAM 


ORSAM 


As mentioned above, KDP and PUK reached 

an agreement to 50-50 share the power in 

the region. This sharing spread into ministries 

and institutions. Because the government 

was double-headed which was composed of 

Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister. It 

was also the same for ministries. Deputy minister 

had the same administrative, financial 

and legal rights with minister. This situation 

paralyzed the decision-making mechanism 

within the government and ministries, and 

also led to a major administrative setback. 31 

The fifty-fifty sharing system led to a total 

split between the two parties in the context of 

government and administration. This situation 

led to both a total split of the region, and 

also civil wars to be mentioned in the forthcoming 

part of the study. 

This was an unprecedented experience and 

led to the following consequences: 32 

a– While the setback of the formation of a 

united administration in the region led 

each ministries to split into two de facto 

ministries, it also led to a split among employees 

under two major parties. 

b– In addition to the planning for the future 

while the citizens encountered setbacks, 

there was also a setback in terms of the financial 

development. 

c– While this situation led to a rupture among 

the people and in the country, loyalty to 

country turned into loyalty to the party. 

d– As it had already been planned, some setbacks 

took place in holding elections. 

e–As a result, this experience led to a strong 

polarization in the region. And thus, the 

region was dragged into a civil war. 33 

In addition to financial conflicts 34 caused by 

double-headed government and administration, 

some other factors led Kurds in 

Iraq to be dragged into a civil war. Those 

reasons might be listed as follows: 

- Presence of militia forces affiliated to political 

parties 35 , 

- Same old conflicts and disputes between 

KDP and the Leader of KDP Massoud Barzani, 

and PUK and Secretary General of 

PUK Jalal Talabani 36 , 

- Destructive role of the former Iraqi regime 

37 , 

- Deepening internal conflicts caused by 

direct of indirect interventions of neighboring 

countries, of Iran and Turkey 38 in 

particular. 

Those factors caused to the outbreak of war 

between KDP and PUK and the allies that are 

members of other Kurdish parties 39 . The first 

sparkle took place in Kaladize village on the 

borderline under the administration of Sulaymaniya. 

The dispute on property of various 

lands in this city led to the outbreak of conflict 

between supporters and members of the 

two parties (KDP and PUK) on 2 May 1994. 

The conflicts spread to Duhok, Sulaymaniya, 

Halabja and other areas before long. 40 The ongoing 

conflicts gave an opportunity for both 

the central Iraqi government in Baghdad and 

also neighboring countries to directly or indirectly 

intervene in the internal affairs of the 

region, and to help the warring factions. Such 

that, the conflict reached a point where Iraqi 

Republican Guards entered the territories 

of Erbil on 31 August 1996 at the request of 

KDP, and as a result, PUK was displaced from 

Erbil. 41 Afterwards, without loss of time, KDP 

relaunched National Assembly meetings of 

the Iraqi Kurdistan Region. Concordantly, the 

coalition government was formed under the 

leadership of Ruz Nuri Shawiz also with the 

participation of political parties such as; Iraqi 

Kurdistan Islamic Movement, Iraqi Kurdistan 

12 

ORSAM 



ORSAM 

Islamic Union, and Communist Party. PUK, 

on the other hand, did not take part in this 

government and formed a government with 

the participation of its allies such as Labour 

Party, Social Democratic Party under the leadership 

of Kosrat Resoul in the areas under 

its own control. 42 

The Iraqi Kurdistan Region, which had already 

been split into three regions as a result 

of internal conflicts, was further split in political 

and administrative terms. The region 

under the control of KDP included the majority 

of Duhok and Erbil. The region under 

the control of PUK, on the other hand, included 

eastern Arbil with Köysancak and the 

areas liberated from Kirkuk in addition to 

Sulaymaniya. The third region included Halabja 

and its neighborhood under the control 

of Kurdistan Islamic Movement. 43 Following 

this geographic, political and administrative 

split, judiciary split took place after PUK 

Secretary General Jalal Talabani was elected 

as the President of the Region in 1999 in the 

region under the control of PUK and court 

of appeal was created. 44 This profound split 

decreased the possibility of institutionalization 

of Kurds’ administrative experience. And 

this situation weakened the worries of neighboring 

countries. Thus, the countries in the 

region started not to attach much importance 

to developments on Kurds in Iraq. 45 However, 

at the end, the process of reunification of the 

region started as from the end of 2002 as a 

result of the Washington Peace Agreement 46 

that was signed between Jalal Talabani and 

Massoud Barzani in 1998 via the then-U.S. 

Secretary of State Madeleine Albright 

The first step was taken by reuniting KRG 

National Assembly which held its first joint 

session on 4 October 2002. However, 47 the 

regional government could be reunited on 7 

May 2006, only after 31 January 2005 when 

the second term election of the KRG National 

Assembly was held. 48 This delay on formation 

of the joint government stemmed from the 

dispute on how the authorities would be distributed 

in the region. By the way, there was 

also the issue of distributing shares in public 

authorities among Kurds in Baghdad. Finally, 

both parties reached an agreement. In accordance 

with the agreement, the government 

was united at high level (prime minister and 

deputy prime minister) and a double-headed 

government was formed. The government 

would be assigned by the parliament on the 

basis of partnership. The government would 

be formed by the President of the Region. Besides, 

parties also reached an agreement on 

gradual unification of ministries within the 

regional government also at high level. In accordance 

with the agreement, the authorities 

such as prime minister, deputy prime minister 

and ministries were split fifty-fifty between 

KDP and PUK as before. However, some 

authorities were given to political parties 

such as Kurdistan Islamic Union, Kurdistan 

Islamic Group, Kurdistan Communist Party, 

Social Democratic Party, and Labor Party 

which took part in the second term of the 

regional parliament. Prime Minister, Deputy 

Prime Minister and ministries were agreed to 

be elected every two years. Thus, a different 

formula was used to split the administration 

among the parties. This time, the government 

was equally shared; one under the presidency 

of the prime minister, and the other under 

the presidency of the deputy prime minister. 

While this agreement between KDP and 

PUK developed between the two parties, they 

signed a new strategic agreement on 27 July 

2007, and thus, they joined their views and 

efforts both in the region and in Baghdad and 

agreed for both electoral periods until 2013 

on how to share the administration at two levels. 

49 In this context, Minister of Finance of 

the regional government gave a speech in the 

parliament on 21 December 2011, and said; 

“the regional government is double-headed. 

ORSAM 


ORSAM 


You all know this fact. We don’t need to hide 

it”. In the same speech, it was stated that “the 

budget coming from Baghdad was shared 

between Sulaymaniya and Germiyan administration 

(43 per cent) and Arbil and Duhok 

administration (57 per cent) until 21 December 

2010. 50 

Based on all these, we can suggest that the 

disagreement on sharing the administration 

and the problems stemming from the sharing 

system between parties paralyzed institutionalization 

of the political system in the 

region. Also, Kurdish parties led to a civil 

war especially between KDP and PUK. This 

situation led to a split among Kurdish political 

parties, especially between KDP and PUK 

in the context of government, administration 

and jurisdiction. Also, the end of conflicts 

between the aforesaid political parties paved 

the way for the reunification of government 

at high level. However, party interests prevented 

the unification of two administrations 

in the region. Despite the fact that elections 

were held in the region for two periods and 

also three-period elections were held at federal 

level after the end of civil war between 

the aforesaid parties, both political parties do 

their best to maintain the current situation. 

Nevertheless, negative consequences of this 

equation in the context of sharing the administration 

between the parties, as well as the 

widespread corruption and problems in democratic 

process led to a civilian tendency 

at public level to make a reform to improve 

the political system in the region in terms of 

its structure. It also made it possible for the 

Change (Gorran) Movement to appear in the 

region as a political opposition. 51 

2. CHALLENGES OF THE DEMOCRATIC 

PROCESS IN IRAQI KURDISTAN 

Democratic regimes have proved their success 

in the face of internal and foreign crises 

and risks throughout centuries. For instance, 

democratic regimes won the World War 

I and II in the West, and also during the Cold 

War, they achieved success against totalitarian-authoritarian 

regimes such as Monarchies, 

Nazism, Fascism and Communism. At the 

same time, those democratic regimes achieved 

dealing with internal political and economic 

challenges, solving crises. Thus, it made it 

possible to turn the developments that led to 

collapse of other regimes into an advantage. 

The collapse of Communist regimes in Eastern 

Europe and the split of the Soviet Union 

has been a big lesson in this terms. 

Mechanisms and primary elements of democratic 

regime such as freedom of expression, 

political pluralism, peaceful government 

change give opportunity to quickly see deficiencies 

and mistakes, as well as coming up 

with political programmes and successful 

solution of political and civilian parties, and 

also alternative programmes to the suggestions 

of other parties. So that, this process leads 

to elimination of deficiencies and mistakes, 

to development and renovation almost in 

each election period. Also, these mechanisms 

bring along political stability in the long term 

as they create an environment to solve and 

manage internal political conflicts through 

peaceful methods, and they give equal opportunities 

to those conflicting with one another 

to come into power by gaining public consent 

and pleasure. 

Establishing a real democratic regime in the 

region enables establishing political stability, 

and improving economic and social development. 

Besides, it also helps reinforcing political 

power in a way to use current international 

and regional opportunities in the future 

to reach the goals and to get rid of potential 

threats. But the democratic process encounters 

major challenges in the region. And this 

situation weakens its relations with the outside 

and also leads to internal instabilities. 

14 

ORSAM 



ORSAM 

Important challenges are mentioned below 

by pointing out the democratic factors in administrative 

experience in the region. 

2.1. Lack of Constitution 

In democratic regimes, constitution serves 

as a social contract between individuals and 

the state to establish the rules of democratic 

game, to limit the absolute power of administrators, 

to establish peaceful methods 

and mechanisms for the transfer of power, 

to protect and guarantee personal rights and 

freedoms. In other words, coming up with a 

constitution and to abide by the constitution 

paves the way for maintaining the other characteristics 

of democratic regime. 52 

The lack of constitutional document, which 

clearly designates the relationship between 

citizens, political parties and the government 

as well as the relationship between legislative, 

executive and judicial powers, is one of 

the most important political problems of the 

Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). This 

situation led to lack of administration experience 

in the region, ambiguous limits of the 

authorities of three powers, unequal power 

distribution among the three powers, stronger 

power of three political parties than the 

other three parties, deterioration of the government 

between those two parties in power, 

and to an armed conflict between the 

two parties. 

Also, there are many inequalities in the aforementioned 

constitution project. It appears 

that the authorities of the president of the region 

within the scope of this project was broadened 

to broaden the authorities of executive 

power at the cost of rights and freedoms 

of other authorities and citizens. As already 

mentioned before, this project gives brad authorities 

to the president of the region that 

would make it possible for him to meddle in 

government, parliament and jurisdiction. 53 

2.2 Deficiency of Rule of Law 

The rule of law is considered as one of the 

backbones and foundations of contemporary 

democracy. It is such a foundation that it is 

believed the democracy mechanism would 

not work without it. 54 Hence, it is important 

to find independent, objective and effective 

judicial institutions and control mechanisms 

to guarantee the rule of law. It is expected 

from those institutions and mechanisms to 

provide respect for law, to increase credibility 

of transactions, and to eliminate injustices. In 

order to eliminate injustices, the use of administrative 

and judicial methods which respect 

administrative and judicial decisions of state 

mechanisms, administrative representatives 

and members of the public and which guarantee 

their rights should be based on parity. 55 

The report of a non-governmental organization 

called the “American Society for Kurds” 

points out violation of the rule of law in KRG. 

Some of them can be listed as follows: that 

security forces and the police judge prisoners, 

acting slowly in concluding some cases, 

changing information in documents and files 

of certain issues that are not concluded, weak 

position of courts in the face of some issues 

related to two parties in power or tribes, 

physical and psychological torture against 

suspects, pressure and threat on judges, not 

performing the decision taken by judges in 

certain cases, delays in following the proceedings 

by judges of authorized courts, some 

judges’ adhering to the parties in power and 

giving verdicts in favor of the parties in power. 

56 

2.3. Violation of Human Rights, Public 

Freedoms, and Freedom of Expression 

Human rights is the cornerstone of democracy. 

57 In other words, it is unimaginable to 

ORSAM 


ORSAM 


consider a democratic regime without a respect 

to fundamental rights of citizens. The 

strong bond between democracy and human 

rights is not recent. The Article 21 of the Universal 

Declaration of Human Rights suggests 

that; “The will of the people shall be the basis 

of the authority of government”. 58 What is 

meant by this statement based on the bilateral 

relationship between the state and individual 

is that protecting human rights, reaching democracy 

and a democratic regime is a part of 

the fundamental rights of the people. 

On the other hand, democracy presumes that 

there is a freedom of opinion and expression 

including the absence of an obstacle or influence 

in accepting an idea, and the right to 

publish an idea or thought without changing 

it or limiting ideas with obstacles. 59 

Also, media organs are considered as an important 

means to express criticisms about 

the deficiencies in government agencies in 

democratic regimes. In addition to this, it 

might be asserted that is an important means 

to raise awareness among citizens, to form 

free platforms for political disputes, to create 

public opinion and exert pressure to eliminate 

problems and deficiencies. 60 

The fundamental rights of citizens such as 

to stage demonstration are violated in KRG. 

Although this right is found within the Iraqi 

constitution 61 , in accordance with the relevant 

law of KRG, to stage demonstration depends 

on the approval of executive and administrative 

organs. Thus, the right to stage demonstration 

was limited. 62 The international 

reports point out violation of various human 

rights such as; torture, illegal arbitrary detentions, 

forcing citizens to become members 

of the two parties in power, security forces’ 

killing and injuring civilians who staged demonstrations. 

63 

As for the freedom of expression and press, 

many independent and semi-independent 

journals, magazines, radio and TV channels 

have emerged since 2000. Although press law 

was introduced by the Regional Parliament, 

there are many violations in this field as well. 

The Metro Center to defend the rights of journalists, 

prepared the most critical report 

on the press rights in 2011 since the establishment 

of KRG. In 2011, the Center recorded 

359 cases of violations in different forms; 

four of which were injuries by gun fire, 8 cases 

of setting fire to media offices and channels, 

85 cases of physical abuse, 57 cases of verbal 

threats. 64 

2.4. Election Violations 

One of the most important elements of democracy 

is free and just elections held regularly 

where the people would show their own 

will. Each elector should be able to vote for 

the one that would represent himself/herself 

under the principles of transparency, freedom 

and equality. To that end, elections should 

be based on general, just and secret ballot 

basis. 65 But the elections are not the only part 

of democracy. Elections are just a component 

of democracy, but to make it a real one, 

the elections must be based on democratic 

foundations. And this should be done in accordance 

with equal opportunities, potential 

and means. Democracy which aims for the 

people to elect the person to rule themselves 

does not come to mean that the same group 

will always rule the other group. Accordingly, 

elections mean to elect, to participate in the 

elections, to be provided with opportunities 

and options to choose from. 66 

In order for the elections not to lose its meaning, 

goal and to provide democracy, some 

conditions considered essential are required 

to be provided. Those principles might be listed 

as follows: 67 

16 

ORSAM 



ORSAM 

- The peoples shall be provided with rights 

to elect, to be a candidate and to participate 

in the elections. This comes to mean 

that all citizens have the right to elect and 

to take part in public affairs. 

- Election procedures shall provide freedom 

to elect in terms of the majority of votes, 

equality among the people, secret balloting 

and right polling. 

- Elections shall be held on a regular and 

continuous basis for citizens to be able to 

elect their representatives, to take part in 

the political process, and to have a say in 

political decisions. 68 

- Elections shall be carried out with respect 

to fundamental rights of citizens. 

- For a truer and more comprehensive reflection 

of electoral will on elections results, 

electoral organizations shall be designated 

on an equitable basis. 

- In order to guarantee fair elections, the 

election process shall be controlled by an 

independent electoral commission, not by 

the state institutions. The decisions taken 

shall be open to objection in judicial authorities. 

- Elections shall be held based on fair competition. 

- Freedom shall be provided in electoral 

campaigns. 

Many violations and problems are witnessed 

in electoral field in KRG. For instance, none 

of the general elections have been held in 

time in accordance with electoral laws. The 

regional parliamentary elections were held in 

three electoral periods in 1992, 2005, 2009. 

The third period elections were held a couple 

of months later than the date assigned. A 

similar case also took place in provincial council 

elections that had been held only once 

until 2005. 

Aside from these, many other violations were 

made in the elections held in the region. Those 

violations especially took place in KRG 

Parliamentary elections held on 25 July 2009. 

Lots of violations and gerrymanders took place 

on the election day and during the electoral 

campaigns. Citizens were systematically 

oppressed due to their political affiliations. 69 

For example, many civil servants had to quit 

their jobs. 70 Those including deans and heads 

of department were discharged from their 

positions, 71 and many people from various 

departments were threatened 72 . Moreover, 

especially both in Arbil and Duhok, a largescale 

gerrymander took place on the election 

day. 73 There’s no doubt that it was aimed to 

change the will of electors as well as the election 

results by doing all these, and thus this 

situation prevented the reflection of true tendencies 

of electors on the results. 

2.5. Multi-Party System and Peaceful 

Transfer of the Government 

Political pluralism comes to mean that there 

are multiple political powers in a state, and 

that there is a peaceful rivalry 74 among those 

powers with equal opportunities. Within 

this context, the success of a political party in 

a democratic regime depends on how much 

the people support its programme. It is required 

for all political parties and power to have 

equal opportunities to win the gratitude of 

electors. For instance, using the resources of 

government agencies for electoral campaigns, 

and spending public budget to win the votes 

of electors leads to a situation where some 

political parties can use state resources while 

other cannot. Equal opportunities among 

political parties cause political, economic and 

ORSAM 


ORSAM 


social programmes in favor of electors to be 

the primary variable to come into power. This 

would lead the general interest to be put ahead 

of personal interests and the interests of 

political party. 

Although there are many political parties in 

the region and the formation of parties are regulated 

by law 75 , there is not exactly a multiparty 

system in the region. Because in parallel 

with the aforementioned reports, KDP and 

PUK which are the parties in power use the 

public budget and the resources of government 

agencies in the region in their election 

campaigns. 76 

Also, those two parties exert pressure on other 

parties. Sometimes, without cutting off 

financial aid, headquarters of other political 

parties are assaulted and set on fire. 77 Especially, 

these attacks take place especially in the 

region under the control of KDP. That’s why, 

almost a single-party system is seen in the regions 

where KDP and PUK are in control in 

KRG. 

Implementing peaceful democracy requires 

having constitutional, judicial, and political 

opportunities to peacefully transfer the power 

among the conflicting political parties. 

Because peacefully coming into power leads 

to an open political competition with broad, 

free popular participation without any discrimination. 

78 

The message sent to the party not voted aims 

to revise program and projects of the party. 

In this case, the party which loses the power 

and/or elections has to revise its program and 

projects. In addition to this, the party also 

has to reorganize its structure and to change 

some symbols. Hence, more active and new 

projects will be prepared for the next elections. 

From this point of view, this would lead 

to reorganization and restructuring of political 

parties in democratic regime. 

Also another message is sent to the party 

which wins the elections in peaceful transfer 

of the power: According to this message, the 

authorities given by the electors are not the 

absolute authorities. The message says that 

they will end up like the other party which 

loses, in case the promises given to electors 

are not kept and the public interest is not met. 

Based on this, peaceful transfer of the power 

leads to a dynamic and continuous renewal of 

the political process. Also it does not conflict 

with the public interest and puts it ahead of 

personal interests and the narrow interests of 

political party. 

Although the democratic system experience 

in KRG has been going on for more than two 

periods, its peaceful transfer of power has not 

yet been completed. Despite the change of 

position between KDP and PUK, neither of 

them has made a complete power transfer to 

the other one. Equal opportunities have not 

been provided for other parties and groups 

competing for the power, and they could not 

come into power despite winning the elections. 

Hence, as Molla Bahtiyar said in the political 

bureau elections of KDP, the most important 

question is; “Will KDP and PUK accept 

the electoral victory of any political party 

in the future, and voluntarily give the power 

to them? 79 

In conclusion, despite the existence of some 

elements of democracy such as elections, free 

media, presence of political parties etc., deficiencies 

and violations would prevent the democratic 

process in KRG from being completed. 

3. CONSEQUENCES AND 

SUGGESTIONS 

1. Consequences 

1. Injustice, inequity, genocide, nationalism 

and disrespect to human rights by dictator re- 

18 

ORSAM 



ORSAM 

gimes successively coming into power in Iraq 

led to 1991 March (Azar) uprising, objection 

of Kurdish populations to live under those regimes, 

and also led them to form democratic 

regime in the region. This situation helped 

the former regime withdraw all of its political, 

administrative and military institutions 

from Sulaymaniya, Arbil and Duhok. And 

this led to the first parliamentary elections of 

the regional government on May 1992 which 

is considered one of the most fair and democratic 

election in the Middle East despite some 

deficiencies and violations. 

2. The constitution project of KRG was not 

accepted. However, the laws of the constitution 

project which regulate the articles especially 

on the relationship between executive and 

legislative organs and also which regulate the 

authorities of speaker and head of the region 

indicates that broad authorities were given to 

the head of the region by making concessions 

from the parliamentary regime. This might 

lead a person to have all the authorities without 

any control of monitoring. This situation 

leads to emergence of dictatorial regimes 

in societies which are in the process of transition 

from totalitarian regime into a democratic 

regime. This might create an imbalance 

and loss of mutual control between legislative 

and executive organs that are considered as 

the most determinant characteristics of the 

parliamentary system. 

3. In 1992 general elections, Kurdistan Democratic 

Party (KDP) and Patriotic Union of 

Kurdistan (PUK) were the only political parties 

in the region which received more than 7 

per cent of the votes, and entered the parliament. 

Some deputies and ministers of KDP 

and PUK within the regional parliament gave 

their seats to other small parties. But this situation 

led these two political parties (KDP 

and PUK) to split the ministries 50-50 among 

themselves. This equal split spread to ministries 

and directorates. This situation paralyzed 

the decision-making process withing the government 

and ministries. Deepening internal 

split between the two political parties, financial 

conflicts, presence of partisan militia 

forces, the hostility between KDP and PUK 

dating back to history, destructive role of the 

Saddam regime, civil wars triggered by direct 

and indirect regional interventions of neighboring 

countries such as Iran and Turkey led 

to political, legislative, geographic, military 

split in the region. 

4. Internal disputes and conflicts still continue 

despite sharing administration including 

the authorities in central government between 

KDP and PUK. 

5. It is important to assess future international 

and regional investments to reach the 

goals, establish political stability, bring economic 

and social development to a desired 

level in order to create a real democratic regime. 

However, the democratic process in KRG 

encounters major challenges threatening its 

internal stability and weakening its relations 

with the outside world. 

6. The lack of constitutional document, which 

clearly designates the relationship between 

citizens, political parties and the government 

as well as the relationship between legislative, 

executive and judicial powers, is one of 

the most important political problems of the 

Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). This 

situation led to the lack of administrative experience, 

and also ambiguous limits of the 

authorities of three powers as well as unequal 

distribution of powers. There are also many 

mistakes in KRG constitutional project. This 

project was as if prepared to broaden the authorities 

of executive power and especially of 

the President of the Region against the rights 

and freedoms of citizens. 

ORSAM 


ORSAM 


7. The reports of civilian institutions which 

monitors judicial organs within KRG reveal a 

great number of judicial violations and deficiency 

of the rule of law. These reports point 

out the interventions of government, security 

forces, political parties, tribes and individuals 

to jurisdiction. Besides, it is also stated in the 

report that detainees and prisoners are tortured, 

the executive organs do not perform judicial 

decisions, that everybody is not treated 

equally before the law, and that other infractions 

which shake the confidence of citizens 

and political powers are implemented. This 

situation further increases political and social 

violence, as well as political and social conflicts 

in the region. 

8. Human rights violations such as; torture, 

illegal arbitrary detentions, forcing citizens to 

become members of one of the two parties in 

power, security forces’ killing and injuring civilians 

who stage demonstrations take place. 

As for the freedom of expression and press, 

despite the fact that many independent and 

semi-independent journals, magazines, radio 

and TV channels have emerged since 2000 

and the press law was introduced by the Regional 

Parliament, still many violations pointed 

out by the reports published by nongovernmental 

organizations take place in this 

field. 

9. Despite the fact that many local and general 

elections were held in the region, deficiencies 

and violations which cause to lack of will 

of electors take place in electoral processes. 

However, these infractions are observed to 

decrease with each passing elections. 

Although there are lots of political parties 

within KRG and the freedom to found political 

party exists, there is no such thing as party 

pluralism. According to independent reports 

in this field, KDP and PUK which are in power 

use public property and government agencies 

in electoral campaigns. Also those two parties 

exert pressure on other parties through different 

methods. Thus, we can suggest that the 

party system in KRG is similar to the singleparty 

system based on KDP and PUK in power. 

Besides, it has never been seen in KRG 

that the power has ever been transferred peacefully. 

Despite the position change between 

KDP and PUK, neither of them could ever 

completely take over the power. Furthermore, 

other parties and groups have not been provided 

with equal opportunities to compete for 

power, and they have never come into power 

in case of winning the elections. 

2. Suggestions 

1. Civilian democratic system foundations 

should be laid in the region. Within this scope, 

the KRG Constitution Project should be 

revised and a balance should be established 

among executive, legislative and judicial organs 

to fix the violations within the parliamentary 

system in order to form a national 

consensus. 

2. In order to prevent further civil wars, political 

armed violence and to create an environment 

that supports peaceful rivalry among all 

political parties in the region, it is required to 

reorganize armed, security and intelligence 

forces in the region in a professional way based 

on national foundations away from party 

and political affiliations. The tendencies to 

become a party among those powers should 

be eliminated and their being used in internal 

political conflicts should be prevented. 

3. It is necessary to develop effective, objective, 

independent mechanisms and judicial institutions 

which provide the rule of law. Those 

institutions and mechanisms should completely 

respect the judicial system, and the reliability 

should be provided. In order to elimi- 

20 

ORSAM 



ORSAM 

nate injustices, the use of administrative and 

judicial methods which respect administrative 

and judicial decisions of state mechanisms, 

administrative representatives and member 

of the public and which guarantee their rights 

should be based on parity. 

4. It is necessary to guarantee fundamental 

rights of the citizens such to demonstrate, 

freedom of expression and freedom of press 

through law, and also it is required to amend 

laws that conflict with it. What is required 

should be done to prevent constant attacks 

on journalists. 

5. The Independent High Electoral Commission 

should be professionally reorganized by 

specialists who are known for their honesty 

who are not affiliated to any sect or political 

party for the elections in Iraq. Similarly, 

an electoral commission should be formed 

in KRG, those who commit fraud should be 

strongly fought against, and also public properties, 

government agencies, armed forces 

and security forces should be forbidden to be 

used in electoral campaigns. 

6. The public force and state institutions should 

not be used against the opposition parties 

in political conflicts in order to reinforce the 

political pluralism in the region. Appropriation 

should be allocated for political parties 

within KRG based on transparency and equitable 

principles. 

ORSAM 


ORSAM 


ENDNOTOS 

1 Dr. Hafız Olwan Aldlimi, Batı Avrupa ve Amerika’daki siyasi sistemler, Dar Wail, Amman, 2001, 

p.7 

2 See Article 1 of the Iraqi Kurdistan Regional Goverment Constitution law dated 2008 and numbered 

(16). 

3 It appears that this commission is not tranparent and work within the knowledge of all its members, 

because of some important meetings were held without the knowledge of one thirds 

of the members, and approximately 22 articles of the draft project were amended. See Bihadin 

Youssef, dimanah Latalah, Dr. Nuri Talabani on http://sbeiy.com/ku/Inter_Report_Detail. 

aspx?id=138&cat=2 

4 A series of criticisms were directed to this project; especially on reorganizing the relationship 

between legislative nad executive powers, and on administrative decentralization. As an exam- 

ثيَداضوونةوةيةك بؤ ثرِؤذةى دةستووري ple: see. Dr. Latif Mustafa - Yusuf Mehemed Sadik - Server Ali Cafer 

هةريَ‏ ي كوردستان،‏ ضاثخانةى زةرطةتة،‏ سليَماني،‏ 2009 

ثةرلةماني كوردستان،‏ ثرِؤذةى دةستوري هةريَ‏ ي كوردستان see. 5 To see the text adopted by the Kurdistan Parliament 

– عيَراق،‏ ناوةندي ضاث نية،‏ أربيل،‏ 2009 

6 The researcher mentioned this in a statement he had given. To access the document of this 

statement راي طشتي لة رؤذنامةي رؤذنامة،‏ ذمارة ،2009 /4 /15 ،2 ال see. 2 ‏.ثاشكؤي To see the answers the judiciary 

commission of the parliament of the region had given to the opinions on the aforementioned 

statement see. لة ليذنةى ياسايي ثةرلةماني كوردستانةوة،‏ لة سايتي ‏:روونكردنةوةيةك http://perleman.org/ 

default.aspx?page=articles&c=News-Committees&id=5098) However, the researcher also 

mentioned his opinion in an explanatory interview with judge dr. Latif Mustafa. This interview 

was published راي طشتي لة رؤذنامةي رؤذنامة،‏ ذمارة ،2009 /5 /13 ،3 ال on 2 ‏.ثاشكؤي Similarly, many intellectuals 

and academicians like former head of the parliament of the region late Jawhar Namiq 

Salim confirmed the opinion of the researcher. Salim, who wrote an article on Hawlati Journal, 

expressed his opinion on the legitimacy of the parliament of the region in the second period 

after January 2009. After citing various articles of the electoral law of the Kurdistan Parliament as 

evidence, he says he heard about the dispute between Mr. Yusuf Muhammad and the judiciary 

commission of the Kurdistan Parliament from the Habat Journal dated 22/4/2009. After examining 

the articles of the electoral law of the parliament of the Region, I saw that Yusuf Muhammad 

جةوهةر نامق سالم،‏ See. was right and the response of the commission was doubtful, he adds. 

دواساتةكاني ئةم خولةى ثةرلةماني هةريَ‏ و ثرِؤذةى دةستووري كوردستان،‏ رِؤنامةي هاوآلتي،‏ ذمارة (532)، ضوارشةممة 2009، 6/ 10/ ال 

http://hawlati.info/NewsDetailN.aspx?id=9202&LinkID=67 :4. يان هةمان بابةت لة سايتي 

7 Article 1 of the draft constitution: The Iraqi Kurdistan Region is a region within the Federal State 

of Iraq. It is a democratic republic with a parliamentary political system that is based on political 

pluralism, the principle of separation of powers, and the peaceful transfer of power through di- 

ثةرلةماني كوردستان،‏ سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو،‏ See. rect, general, and periodic elections that use a secret ballot. 

ال 65 

هةمان سةرضاوة،‏ ال constitution, 89 8 See. Article 61 of the draft 

9 See. Paragraph six, fiftee, sixteen, seventeen, eighteen, nineteen, twenty, twenty-one, twenty- 

هةمان سةرضاوة،‏ ال ال – 90 93 constitution, two of Article 65 of the draft 

هةمان سةرضاوة،‏ ال ال See.– 90 10 See. Paragraph eight and nine of Article 65 of the draft constitution, 

91 

ثيَشوو،‏ ال ال – 91 92 11 See. Dr. Latif Mustafa – Yusuf Mehemed Sadik – Server Ali Cafer 

12 For details See.Yargıç dr. Latif Mustafa Emin, relations between the head of state and prime minister 

in parliamentary system, dar serdom l’it-tibaa ve’n-neşr, Sulaymaniya, 2009, p. 367 – 374 

‏.ثةرلةماني كوردستان،‏ سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو،‏ ال constitution, 89 13 See. Article 65 of the draft 

‏:لة سيستمي ثةرلةماني لة ثرِؤذةى دستووري هةريَ‏ دا،‏ لة سايتي (İnhiraf) 14 See. Hakin Şeyh Latif, Ladan 

http://sbeiy.com/ku/article_detail.aspx?ArticleID=830&AuthorID=203 

رؤذنامةى وةقائعي كوردستان،‏ ذمارة ،(55) سالَي ثيَنجةم،‏ : Region, 15 See. Article ten of the presidency law of the 

2005 /7 /10. 

16 See. Security council law of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, no. 4 year 2011, Vakai Kurdistan jounal, 

no. 127, 5.6.2011. 

‏:لة ضاوةرِواني دةستوردا!‏ ضةند سةرجنيَك سةبارةت بة ثرِؤذةى دةستووري هةريَ‏ ي كوردستان،‏ لة سايتي Menemi, 17 See. Zana Rauf 

http://sbeiy.com/ku/Dosya_Rozhnama_detail.aspx?ArticleID=170&CatID=13&Cat=dosya 

22 

ORSAM 



ORSAM 

18 That was really the case. President of the Kurdistan Regional Government Massoud Barzani 

used his authority and influence to prevent the ministries from being given to the Change Movement 

in the Iraqi government after the second term elections of the Iraqi house of representatives 

in 2010. The President of the Region explicitly stated that he demanded Iraqi Prime Minister 

Nouri Al-Maliki not to give any ministry to any Kurdish movement without his approval, not 

ثيَشةوا تةوفيق:‏ سةرؤكي هةريَ‏ ثشتراستي كردةوة كة ئةو نةيهيَشتووة.‏See even to assign a single police officer. 

http://sbeiy.com/ku/newsdetail.aspx?id=32906&cat=1 Again ‏:طؤرِان لة بةغدا وةزارةت وةربطريَت.‏ لة سايتي 

See حةمة نةجيب،‏ ثارلةمانتاريَكي يةكيَتي:‏ بارزاني ثيَي وتني ثؤست بؤ طؤرِان نية،‏ لة سايتي.‏ ‏:محةمةد http://www.destur. 

سؤران حسنيَ‏ ، مالكي بة طؤرِاني وتوة ملم لة ذيَر.‏See net/bzharay-hefte/4275-barzani-nawshirwan.html Again 

http://www.kurdiu.org/hawal/?pageid=60279 ‏:ضةقؤي بةرزاني و هاوثةيانيي كوردستان دا بووة،‏ لة سايتي 

‏.سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو Menmi, 19 Zana Rauf 

20 - Again See.Hani Ali et-Tavahirî, Political system and constitution law, Darus-sakafa li’n-Naşr 

ve’t-Tevzi, Amman, 2008, p. 258 – 261. Similarly, Dr. Numan Ahmed el Hatib, kısaca siyasi 

sistemler, Darus-sakafa li’n-Naşr ve’t-Tevzi, Amman, 1999, p. 380. 

21 Hereinafter PUK and KDP will be used for those two political parties. 

22 An Islamic jihad movement which was split from the Muslim Brotherhood in Iraqi Kurdistan 

in 1987. It fought along with other kurdish movements against the former Iraqi regime. Many 

groups have split from this movement so far. Kurdistan Islamic Union is among them. For detailed 

information. See Al Jazeera, Kurdistan Islamic Movement, website: http://www.aljazeera. 

net/NR/exeres/8D1C10BA-5216-40D4-BCD8-01B2E0BC7CA4.htm 

23 It is a front that was established on 12.6.1988 in order to coordiante Kurdish parties after the 

massacre and chemical attack of the Iraqi regime against Kurds and Kurdistan following the 

end of war between Iran and Iraq. Therefore, 8 political parties joined this front leading the 

popular uprising on March 1991. Those parties can be listed as follows: Kurdistan Democratic 

Party, Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, Iraqi Communist Party, Kurdistan Regional Movement, Kurdistan 

Democratic People’s Party, Kurdistan Democratic Socialist Party – Pasok, Kurdistan Labor 

Party Assyrian Democratic Movement. The front controlled the zones liberated from the former 

regime until the regional government was established on June 1991. Similarly, the general elec- 

نةوشيروان مستةفا،‏ مفاوةزاتي بةرةي كوردستاني – بةعس (1991)، كتيَبخانةى.‏See tions were held on .19/05/1992 

http://telskuf.com/ Yine See.Evrak Thomas 38, website: ‏.جمالي عةلي باثير،‏ سليَماني،‏ ،2009 ال ال -111 112 

articles.asp?article_id=10711 

24 For a detailed information about the aforesaid elections and results See.Reşid Ammare Yas – 

Yusuf Muhammed Sadık, Irak - Kürdistan Bölgesinde Siyasi Muhalefet, Başlangıç ve gelecek, 

Arap siyasi Araştırma ve İnceleme Merkezi, Doha, 2012, p. 4 – 5 

25 Nechirvan Mustafa: و حوكم ئةزموني هةريَ‏ ي كردستان،‏ لة سايتي ‏:حيزب http://sbeiy.com/ku/ArticleParts.aspx? 

PartID=25&ArticleID=485&AuthorID=36 

26 There were also other articles of the agreement which were not implemented afterwards: Both 

parties reached an agreement on reelction of the national council on 5/10/1992. Because the 

first election had been rigged. As one of the candidated could not receive the majority of votes, 

the president was supposed to be reelected two months later. For a detailed information on the 

حامد طةوهةري،‏ باشووري كوردستان لة نيَوان دوو هةلَبذاردندا – 1992 2005، ستؤكهؤلَم،‏ 2004، ال ال See.-27 agreement, 

28. 

27 This government resigned on April 1993, and a government similar to the former government 

was formed under the leadership of Kosrat Resul Ali. For a detailed information on formation 

طةراس ئارِ.‏ ظي.‏ ستانسفيلَد،‏ كوردستانى عيَراق ثةرةسةندني سياسي و ثشكوتنى ديوكراسي،‏ وة:.‏See of the government, 

‏.ثرِؤفيسؤر.‏ ى.‏ د.‏ ياسني سةردةشتي،‏ ضاثخانةى سيما،‏ سليَماني،‏ 2010، ال ال - 337 339 

28 For a detailed information about the names, and political tendencies of the ministers and deputy 

‏.هةمان سةرضاوة،‏ ال ال - 331 See.332 ministers that took office in the first government of the region, 

29 The Islamic Movement and Islamic List, composed of independent Islamists, and especially 

Iraki Kurdistan Muslim Brotherhood ranked third in the elections held on 19 May 1992, and 

received 5 percent of the votes. After refusing to join the government, it became an opposition 

movement out of the national council. As the aforesaid movement had a militant tendency, and 

also was an armed movement, it fought against both major parties, especially against PUK, for 

several times between 1993 and 1999. See.Dr Reşit Ammara ve Yusuf Muhammed Sadık, ibid. 

s. 6 – 7 

30 See.Neşirvan Mustafa, مستةفا،‏ حيزب و دةسةآلتي تةنفيزي،‏ لة سايتي ‏:نةوشيروان http://sbeiy.com/ku/ArticleParts.aspx?PartID=25&ArticleID=485&AuthorID=36 

ORSAM 


ORSAM 


‏.طةراس ئار ظى ستانسفيلَد،‏ سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو،‏ ال 31 333 

‏.نةوشيروان مستةفا،‏ حيزب و دةسةآلتي تةنفيزي،‏ سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو Mustafa, 32 See.Neşirvan 

33 For a detailed information about the development process of this polarization, and the role it 

طةراس ئار ظى ستانسفيلَد،‏ سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو،.‏See played in internal conflicts that took place in the region, 

‏.ال ال – 339 343 

34 The customs gates, especially incomes earned from the Ibrahim Halil customs gate, was one 

of the bone of contention between the two parties. Ibrahim Halil gate became one of the most 

important trade gates both for the region and for Iraq because of the sanctions of the Security 

Council on Iraq. Because the former Iraqi government and influential people within this government 

used this gate to smuggle oil abroad. Also vital needs of the citizens were imported 

through this gate. See.Dr. Hamid Mahmud İsa, Irak’ta Kürt Sorunu, İngiliz İşgalinden Amerikan 

İşgali’ne Kadar incomes of the region were shared as follows: 35& to KDP, 35 % to PUK, 15 % to 

هاورِآ باخةوان،‏ هاورِيَنامة بؤ ميَذووي كوردستان و كورد،‏ دةزطاي.‏See other parties, 5 % to the regional government… 

‏.ضاث و ثةخشي سةردةم،‏ 1999، ال 365 

But both parties tried to seize the control of the Ibrahim Halil customs gate which was the main 

‏.طةراس ئار ظى ستانسفيلَد،‏ سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو،‏ ال ال 335 و See.342 source of income of the region. 

35 Despite the formation of Peshmarga Ministry and 29000 warriors under their control since the 

very first government that was formed in the region, those troops were under the direct control 

of KDP ad PUK. Similarly, the security forces in the region were not in a different position. See. 

طةراس ئار ظى ستانسفيلَد،‏ سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو،‏ ال 345. و كذلك:‏ نةوشيروان مستةفا،‏ كيَشةى ثارتي و يةكيَتي،‏ سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو،‏ ال ال 

91– 92. و أيضاً:‏ رةجائي فايد،‏ كوردةكاني عيًراق هيوا و ئاوات لة نيَوان بةديهاتن و بةدينةهاتن،‏ وة:‏ على ميرزا عارف هةورامي،‏ بةرِيَوةبةريَتيي 

‏.خانةى وةرطيَرِان،‏ سليَماني،‏ 2010، ال 310 

36 The conflict between the two parties dates back to decades ago, or even way before the period 

when PUK was established. Back then, there were disagreements between the KDP leader 

Mustafa Barzani and Ibrahim Ahmad, who was the head of the political bureau of the party, and 

Jalal Talabani since 1964. The focal point of the conflict was on the leadership and how the de- 

رةجائي.‏See cisions would be taken within KDP. There were also ideologic and cultural conflicts. 

Those conflicts broke out in seventies and late eighties once فايد،‏ سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو،‏ ال ال – 302 304 

again. As a result, internal conflicts took place both between the two parties and among other 

نةوشيروان مستةفا،‏ ثةجنةكان يةكتر.‏See Yine ‏.طةراس ئار ظى ستانسفيلَد،‏ سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو،‏ ال ال – 205 See.212 parties. 

. برلني postfach،1997 ئةشكيًنن ديوي ناوةوةى رووداوةكاني كوردستاني عيَراق - 1979 1983، ناوةندي بآلوكردنةوةى 

37 The Weekly Hawlati journal oublished a series of confidential documents about the former Iraqi 

regime in 2003. One of these documents was the that was published on 10 September 2003 

with no 140. The document was the letter had been sent by a person named Abu Jihad who 

worked in Sulaimaniyah office of the Ba’ath Party that was closed. In the document he explains 

the fact that head of the office (Abu Kays) assigned him with a task to create trouble between 

KDP and PUK, and he himself (Abu Jihad) used the company commander in KDP troops and 

also a relative (Kadir Hasan). Kadir really killed Mam Cotyar, one of the PUK executives, by 

opening fire on KDP headquarter in Kaleduzi on 2/5/1994. This event was the first spark of the 

civil war. هاوآلتي،‏ ضاثخانةى رةجن،‏ ذمارة ،140 ضوارشةممة ،2003 /9 /10 ال ال See.2 -1 ‏.رؤذنامةى According to the 

document, some sources asserts that Kadir Hasan took part in the Kaleduzi event and he was 

‏.حاميد طةوهةري،‏ باشوري كوردستان لة نيَوان دوو هةلَبذاردندا،‏ سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو،‏ ال See.74 killed during the conflict. 

38 They tried to ignite the internal conflicts among the Kurdish parties, and supported one against 

طةراس ئار ظى ستانسفيلَد،.‏See the other. Those parties were poliarized through alliances and unions. 

‏.سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو،‏ ال ال 342 و 346 

39 The conflicts between KDP and PUK alsted for more than four months. While six conflicts took 

place during that period, internal and external efforts to establish peace in the region served as 

truce for a while. Until the peace agreement between the two parties in Washington on 17 Sep- 

حاميد طةوهةري،‏ باشوري كوردستان لة نيَوان دوو هةلَبذاردندا،‏ سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو،‏ ال ال 66- 280. و كذلك:.‏See tember .1998 

http://sbeiy. ‏:نةوشيروان مستةفا،‏ خةون يان مؤتةكة ديوي ناوةوةى رووداوةكاني كوردستاني عيَراق (1992- 2002)، لة سايتي 

com/ku/article_detail.aspx?ArticleID=1539&AuthorID=36 

‏.رةجائي فايد،‏ سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو،‏ ال See.310 Yine هةمان سةرضاوة.‏See 40 

لظني،‏ وردةكارييةكاني ‎31‎ي ئاب لة بةلَطةنامةكاندا،‏ طؤظاري لظني،‏ ذمارة ‎1‎ي 74، ئةيلول.‏See 41 For a detailed information 

،2008. Again See.Dr. Hamid Mahmud İsa ibid, p. 440 – 444. KDP asked for aid from ال – 31 35 

the Saddam regime on the grounds that PUK received aid from the Iranian regime. Nechirvan 

Mustafa says that both parties had good relationship with Iran, but one of the parties went out of 

24 

ORSAM 



ORSAM 

control from time to time, and when this was the case they wanted to take it under control again; 

and that it was the most typical characteristics of the Iranian politics, that it did not allow one of 

the parties have a control over the other one. From Dr. Reşit Ammara Yas and Yusuf Muhammad 

Sadiq , ibid, p. 7. 

42 See. ibid, p. 7 – 8. 

43 ‏.حيزب و حوكم ئةزموني كوردستان،‏ سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو Mustafa, See.Nechirvan 

44 لة نيوان من و مام جالل ئازاري – 1999 شوباتي 2001، ضاثخانةى رةجن،‏ سليَماني،‏ 2009، ال 96. يان Mustafa, See.Nechirvan 

http://sbeiy.com/ku/ArticleParts.aspx?PartID=39&ArticleID=2426&AuthorID=3 ‏:لةسةر سايتي سبةى 

6. 

45 At this stage, the mutual meetings between Iran, Turkey and Syria on the situation of Kurds in 

North Iraq was suspended. As it is known, those meetings started to held again after the collapse 

of the former regime in Iraq in 2003 when Kurdish parties became prominents in Iraq in 

‏.طةراس ئار ظى ستانسفيلَد،‏ سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو،‏ ال See.348 geenral, and in the region in particular. 

46 عايدة علي سري الدين،‏ See. For the full text of the Washington agreement between KDP and PUK, 

حةميد طةوهةري،.‏See Again ‏.املسألة الكردية في ملف السياسة الدولية،‏ دار اآلفاق اجلديدة،‏ بيروت،‏ 2000، ص ص‎380‎ – 384 

‏.باشوري كوردستان لة نيَوان دوو هةلَبذاردندا،‏ سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو،‏ ال ال 279- 286 

47 See. The first period of elections in 1992, Kurdistan Parliament website: http://www.kurdistanparliament.org/default.aspx?page=sitecontents&c=Parliament-History1992 

48 ‏.ئؤثؤزسيؤني سياسي،‏ ضاثخانةي رِةجن،‏ سليَماني،‏ 2009، ال Salih, 330 See.Yasin 

49 This agreement remained secret until 5 July 2010. On this date, some parts of the 

agreement was published on the following website: http://standardkurd.net/direje. 

aspx?Cor=Hewal&Jimare=3420. The split of the region between KDP and PUK continued until 

this date. 

50 

http://www.kurdiu.org/hawal/index. ‏:كورديو،‏ بايز تالَةباني:‏ حكومةتي هةريَ‏ تا ئيَستا هةردوو ثارضةية...،‏ لة سايتي لظني ثريَس،‏ بايز تالَةباني:‏ تا ئيَستا سآ جار داواكراوة وةزارةتي دارايي يةكبخريَتةوة بةآلم.‏See php?pageid=92730 Again 

http://lvinpress.com/K_Direje.aspx?Jimare=6614&Besh=Hewal&Cor=1 ‏:نةكراوة،‏ لة سايتي 

51 For a detailed information See. Dr. Reşid Ammara Yas ve Yusuf Muhammed Sadık, ibid, p. 14 – 

28. 

52 ‏،ديَظيد بيَتهام و كوين بؤيأل،‏ ديوكراسي ضية؟ ئاشنابوون بة ديوكراسي،‏ وةرطيَرِاني شؤرِش جوانرِؤيي،‏ خانةى وةرطيَرِان،‏ سليَماني،‏ 2003 

‏.ال 33 

53 See. The Article 65 of the draft constitution of the Region. 

54 Dr. Mazin Muvaffak Haşim, Demokrasinin Dayanaklarını Konuşalım, website: http://www.alrashad.org/issues/17/17-Hashem.htm 

55 The International Institute of Human Rights, Depaul University Faculty of Law, Democracy and 

Freedoms, 2005, p. 39. 

56 Amerika Kürtleri Cemiyeti ASK, Irak Kürdistanı Bölgesi Yargı Sistemi İzleme projesi, Erbil, İnternet 

sitesi: http://www.askurds.org/judiciarymonitoring1.pdf 

Some of those violations are pointed out in the report of the Amnesty International. See. Uluslararası 

Af örgütü, Beş Yıl Sonra Irak, Katliamlar ve Karamsarlıklar Arasında, Uluslararası Af örgütü 

yayınları, Londra, belge No. 2008 / 001 / AI Index No: MDE Mart 2008, birinci baskı, p. 20 

57 David Betham, Democracy and Human Rights, translated by Muhammed Taki Dilfruz, İntişarart-i 

Tarh-i Nov, Tahran, 1383 H. Ş. p. 151. 

58 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, G. A. Res. 217 A, UN GAOR, üçüncü dönem, Supp. 

No. 1 BM Belgesi No A / 810, 1948 

59 Uluslararası İnsan Hakları Enstitüsü, Depaul Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi, ibid, p. 40. 

60 ‏.سةرضاوةى ثيَشوو،‏ ال Boilla(?)28 David Betham and Kevin 

61 See. Article 38 of Iraqi constitution. 

62 - See. The first paragraph of the Article 3 of the law dated 2010 and numbered 11 that regulates 

the demonstrations in Iraqi Kurdistan shows that the aforesaid law turned into an effective 

instrument under the control fo the authorities in power to prevent the demonstrations in the 

كورديو:‏ گروپى ‎400‎له چوارچێوه ى یاساى خۆپیشانداندا داواى مۆڵه ت بۆ خۆپیشاندان ده كه ن و.‏See region. As an example, 

http://www.kurdiu.org/hawal/index.php?pageid=59350 ‏:پارێزگاريسلێمانى مۆڵه تیان پێ نادات،‏ لة سايتي 

63 See. 2010 report of the Amnesty International, Human Rights in the Republic of Iraq, website: 

http://amnesty.org/ar/region/iraq/report-2010 Again, Amnesty International, Beş Yıl Sonra Irak, 

Katliamlar ve Karamsarlıklar Arasında, ibid, p. 20. Again See.U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, 

2010 Human Rights Report: Iraq, April 8, 2011, In site: http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2010/ 

ORSAM 


ORSAM 


nea/154462.htm Again, Amnesty International, Human Rights in the Middle East and North 

Africa, January – April 2011, Uluslararası Af Örgütü Yayınları, London, Belge No. Index: POL 

10/ 012/ 2011 Arabic, May 2011, First Edition, p. 19. You can also reach the report on the website: 

http://amnesty.org/ar/library/asset/POL10/012/2011/ar/f797ad21-8843-474f-b376-1686- 

f8c67960/pol100122011ara.pdf 

64 See. The annual report of the METRO Center journalists on the violations in Kurdistan Region 

in 2011. Sulaymaniyah, 2012, again See.HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH, Yol Ayırımında Irak’ta 

ABD öncülüğündeki sekiz yıllık işgalin ardından İnsan Hakları, website: http://www.hrw.org/ar/ 

reports/2011/01/20, 

65 The International Institute of Human Rights, Depaul University Faculty of Law, ibid, p. 38. 

66 Dr. Muhammed Abid el Cabiri, Democracy and Human Rights, The Arab League Research Center, 

Beirut, Third Edition, 2004, p. 16 – 17. 

67 Revab Cemal, Seçim Sistemleri, p. 1 – 2websitesi (31/1/2012 tarihinde): http://www.scribd.com/doc 

/77534331/%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%86%D8%B8%D9%85-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%8 

6%D8%AA%D8%AE%D8%A7%D8%A8%D9%8A%D8%A9-%D8%B1%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A 

8-%D8%AC%D9%85%D8%A7%D9%84 

ريَكخراوي دياكؤنياي سويدي،‏ ديوكراتي سياسةت،‏ ئامادة و وةرطيَرِاني:‏ فرسةت ئةحمةد – موئةيةد تةيب – تيَلي ئةمني،‏ ضاثخانةى 68 

‏،خةبات 

دهؤك،‏ ض 2699 3، ك،‏ ال ال – 25 26 

69 What is meant by saying this is a planned process is that PUK had decided to exert pressure 

on otehr lists, especially on the change list, by discharging their offices in government agencies 

or by displacing them. In this context, in his statement on Awene Journal, Molla Bahtiyar says: 

“as long as the police officersi security and peshmargas or high-ranking officials are nominated 

by PUK, PUK has the right to change their office and withdraw their support.” For the full text of 

the document, مه ال به ختیار:‏ مانگانه یه كێتی و پارتی له سی ملیۆن دۆالر كه متر له حكومه ت وه رناگرن.‏See ‏،ئاويَنة،‏ website: 

http://awene.com/Direje.aspx?Babet=Babet&Cor=Chawpekewtin&jimare=715 

فةالح نةجم،‏ به پێچه وانه ی یاسای هه ڵبژاردنه وه یه كێتی به رده وامه له ده ركردنی فه رمانبه ره حكومییه كان.‏See 70 As an example, 

- website: http://sbeiy.com/ku/newsdetail.aspx?id=17525&cat=1 

71 As an example, سبةى،‏ له سه ر لیستی ‏(گۆڕان)،‏ دوو مامۆستا ده ركران.‏See -website: http://awene.com/Direje. 

راگری كۆلێژی زانسته مرۆڤایه تییه كانی Abdulhalik, aspx?Babet=Hewal&Jimare=3810 Again See.Delir 

http://sbeiy.com/ku/newsdetail.aspx?id=17397&cat=1 - website: ‏،زانكۆی كۆیه له سه ر كار الده درێت 

سبةي،‏ له سكاڵایه كدا بۆ رای گشتی سه رۆكی لیستی بزوتنه وه ی چاكسازی كردستان:‏ ماوه یه كه See. 72 As an example 

sbeiy.com/ku/newsdetail. - website: ‏،له هه ولێرو دهۆك فشارده خرێته سه ر ئه و كه سانه ی هاوكاریمان ده كه ن 

هةلَويَست عوسمان و بةرهةم لةتييف،‏ ديداريَك لةطةأل د.‏ عبداملصور بارزاني،‏ طؤظاري.‏See aspx?id=17459&cat=1 Again 

ئاآل لةتيف،‏ كاندیدێكی بزووتنه وه ی چاكسازی كردستان ده ستگیركرا.‏See Again ‏.رِيَطا،‏ ذمارة ‎20‎ي 13، حوزةيراني ، 2009 ال 17- 19 

هاوآلتي،‏ لیستی See. - website: http://hawlati.info/NewsDetailN.aspx?id=8954&LinkID=63 Again 

http://hawlati.info/NewsDetailN. website: ‏,پێشكه وتن:‏ ئاسایشی پارتی هه ڕه شه ی كوشنت له ئه ندامامنان ده كات 

aspx?id=9555&LinkID=63 

73 In the reports of electoral monitoring reports, there is a consensus regarding that these elections 

were rigged to a large extent. Here, we are going to point out a part of these reports which 

includes some parts of the local and international journals: 

(A Berzan Ali Heme, ڵبژاردن له هه ولێر و دهۆك هه رێمی كوردستان ده خاته لیستی ڕه شه وه ‏،هه - website: http://chawyxelk.com/NewsDetailN.aspx?id=1873&LinkID=63&Detail=1 

(B again سبةى،‏ چاودێرێكی گروپی نه زاهه : ته نیا له و وێستگه یه ی منی تێدابوم 120 بۆ 130 ده نگ به ساخته دراوه - website: 

http://sbeiy.com/ku/newsdetail.aspx?id=19195&cat=1 

C) The Economist print edition, The times they are a-Changing: on site: http://www.economist.com/world/mideast-africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=14140770 

(D again ئاويَنة،‏ ئینستیۆتی مافه كانی مرۆڤ:‏ ساخته كاریی به رفراوان كراوه – website: http://awene.com/Direje. 

aspx?Babet=Hewal&Jimare=4517 

E) Again, Electoral Monitoring Final Report of the Head of Parliament of the Iraqi Kurdistan Regional 

Government, website: http://www.tammuz.net/news/arabic/03-09-009a.pdf 

(F again نوێنه ری سێ رێكخراوي نێوده وڵه تی:‏ پێشێلكاری زۆر له الیه ن حیزبی ده سه ڵاتداره وه ئه جنامدراوه - website: 

http://hawlati.info/NewsDetailN.aspx?id=10224&LinkID=63 

(G again ئاويَنة،‏ تؤرِي شةمس:‏ ژماره یه كی زۆر له هێزه كانی پێشمه رگه دووجار ده نگیان داوه.‏See - website: http://awene. 

com/Direje.aspx?Babet=Hewal&Jimare=447 

H) again See. The letter sent by the French Consul to former Reform and Service List Leader 

Seladdin Bhaddin - website http://www.kurdiu.org/fileup3/3278french.pdf 

26 

ORSAM 



ORSAM 

I) It is also stated that some officials resorted to rig in the bulletin, which is asserted to be the 

internal bulletin of KDP, and that this situation negatively affected the prestige of KDP. For a 

هاوآلتي،‏ پارتی دان به وه داده نێت له هه ڵبژاردنه كانی ‎25/7‎دا.‏See detailed information on the aforesaid bulletin, 

http://hawlati.info/NewsDetailN.aspx?id=12191&LinkID=63 - website: ساخته كاری ئه جنامداوه 

İ) Again, independent journal of Levin published a report of the organizational bureau of KDP. 

In the report, the rate of rigs in Arbil and Duhok in terms of the KDP votes is: Arbil (20 percent), 

لظني دةطاتة مةكتةبة هةستيارةكةى ثارتي و زانيارييةكاني بآلو Kurdi, Duhok 26) percent). See. Mehmud Yasin 

‏.دةكاتةوة،‏ بةشي دووةم،‏ ذمارة 2012، 1/ 1/ 184، ال ال 6- 9 

‏.لة ثيَناو كوردستانيَكي نويَدا،‏ ضاثخانةى منارة،‏ هةوليَر،‏ 2007، ال Kadir, 39 74 Rezdar Muhammed 

75 See. Iraqi Kurdistan Regio no. 17 date 1993 political party law. Article 3. Kurdistan Regional 

Government National Assembly, Law and Regulations – no. 2 date 1993, p. 94. 

76 It is stated in the first paragraph of the Article 14 of the political party law numbered 17 and 

dated 1993 of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region that: “Allocation apprpriated for political parties from 

the regional budget is distributed in accordance with certain rules to be accpeted by the Iraqi 

Kurdistan Assembly.” However, he aforementioned rules have not been regulated yet. Hence, 

the aforesaid allocations depend on the decisions of two political parties in power. For instance, 

it is cut when the attitude of the change movement and the opposition in general is on the increase. 

It should also be noted that PUK and KDP use 4,720,000,000 dinar (four billion seven 

ضاوثيَكةوتن Muhammed, hundred twenty million) each month from the regional budget. See.Diyar 

Of course, in addition to ‏.لةطةأل رةشيد تاهير بريكاري وةزيري داريي،‏ طؤظاري لظني،‏ ذمارة 187، شوباتي 2012، ال 18 

salaries of the party personnel and press members, expenses of media channels also add to 

this amount. However, the parliamentary groups are almost equal to the change movement in 

terms of the size. On the other hand, the share that the change movement receives from these 

allocations is 500,000 (five hundred thousand) dollars per month. In other words 600,000,000 

(six hundred milllion) dinar. Of course, in case it is given. See.Dr. Reşid Ammara Yas ve Yusuf 

Muhammed Sadık, ibid, p. 37. 

77 See. AFP, In Iraqi Kurdistan, some “violations” take place within the opposition - website: http:// 

www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5h1spHvJf7n_SVojslg7EfpnmCAyw 

78 The International Institute of Human Rights, Depaul University, Faculty of Law, ibid, p. 37. 

79 Molla Bahtiyar, ثةياميَكي رؤذنامةواني بؤ نيَضيرظان بةرزاني - website: http://www.cawder.org/yeke.php?besh 

=Nusraw&perrge=nusraw&nujimare=22975, 

ORSAM 


ORSAM 


ORSAM REPORTS 


March 2009 

The Struggle Against Piracy: 

The Somalia Case and Turkey’s 

Position 

(Tr - Eng) 


April 2009 

60 Years of Alliance: NATO and 

Turkey 

(Tr - Eng) 


May 2009 

Iraq’s Pivotal Point: Talafar 

(Tr - Eng) 


July 2009 

2009 Lübnan Seçimleri: Kazananlar, 

Kaybedenler ve Türkiye 

(Tr) 


August 2009 

Turkey-Lebanon Relations: 

Perceptions of Turkey Among the 

Religious and Sectarian Factions 

in Lebanon 

(Tr - Eng) 


November 2009 

The Tuzhurmatu Turkmens: A 

Success Story 

(Tr - Eng - Ar) 


November 2009 

The Forgotten Turkmen Land: 

Diyala 

(Tr - Eng - Ar) 


BLACK SEA INTERNATIONAL 

Report No: 1 

December 2009 

Abkhazia for the Integration of the 

Black Sea 

(Tr - Eng) 


January 2010 

The Yemen Issue: A Step Toward 

Regional War? 

(Tr - Eng) 


January 2010 

Civil War in Yemen: The Power 

Struggle, Regional Influences and 

Relations With Turkey 

(Tr - Eng) 


February 2010 

The Forgotten Turks: Turkmens 

of Lebanon 

(Tr – Eng – Ar) 



Report No: 2 

February 2010 

Russian Perspective: The Influence 

of the Factor of Iraq on 

Turkey’s Middle East Policies 

(1990-2008) 

(Tr - Rus) 


February 2010 

7 March 2010 Irak Seçimleri 

Öncesi Şii Kökenli Parti ve Seçmenlerin 

Politik Davranışlarının 

Analizi 

(Tr) 


February 2010 

Seçim Öncesi Irak’ta Siyasal Durum 

ve Seçime İlişkin Beklentiler 

(Tr) 


March 2010 

Orsam Heyetinin 7 March 2010 

Irak Seçimlerine İlişkin Gözlem 

Raporu 

(Tr) 


April 2010 

Sultanate of Oman: An Arab State 

Between Tradition and Modernity 

in the Arabian Peninsula 

(Tr) 


April 2010 

Evaluation of Iraqi Parliamentary 

Elections of March 7, 2010 and 

the New Political Equation 

(Tr) 



Report No: 3 

May 2010 

Turkish-Russian Relations: From 

Neighborhood to Strategic Cooperation 

(Tr - Rus) 


September 2010 

Turkmens’ Migration Towards 

Turkey and Turkmen Population 

in Turkey 

(Tr) 



Report No: 4 

October 2010 

Current Situation in Kyrgzstan, 

the Reasons of Change in 

Government and Short Term 

Foresights 

(Tr) 


November 2010 

Away From Iraq: Post 2003 Iraqi 

Migration to Neighboring Countries 

and to Turkey 

(Tr – Eng) 


January 2011 

Turkey-Yemen Relations and the 

Perception of Turkey in Yemen 

(Tr – Eng – Ar) 


January 2011 

Is the Qatar-Iraq-Turkey-Europe 

Natural Gas Pipeline Project 

Feasible? 

(Tr - Eng) 


January 2011 

The State of Kuwait: Relations 

with Turkey, War and Peace and 

the Al-Sabah 

Government in Between 

(Tr) 


January 2011 

Embargo on Iran by the Security 

Council in Legal and Political 

Aspects 

(Tr) 



Report No: 5 

February 2011 

The Recent Developments in 

Kyrgyzstan: 

Past, Present and Future 

(Tr - Rus) 


February 2011 

The Steps of the Egyptian Revolution: 

Is That the End of an Era? 

(Tr) 



Report No: 6 

February 2011 

The Limits of Power in Distraining 

on Ships by a Coast State 

on the 

International Law of the Sea 

-Georgia’s Distraining on the 

Ships Navigating Around the 

Black Sea- 

(Tr) 


February 2011 

Tunisia, Popular Revolution and 

Turkey’s Exprience 

(Tr) 


February 2011 

Property Disagreements in 

Kirkuk: A Study Based on the 

Field Search 

(Tr) 



Report No: 7 

March 2011 

The Developments in Afghanistan 

and Pakistan and Their Effects on 

International Security 

(Tr) 


March 2011 

Shiite Opposition Question in 

Saudi Arabia and Its Impacts 

(Tr) 


March 2011 

Turkmen Existence in Iraq 

(Tr) 


March 2011 

Turkmen Press in Iraq 

(Tr – Ar) 


March 2011 

Current Situation and Important 

Political Developments in Iraq 

(Tr) 


ORSAM Water Research Programme 

Report No: 1 

March 2011 

Eu’s Water Framework Directive 

Implementation in Turkey: The 

Draft National Implementation 

Plan 

(Eng) 


March 2011 

Popular Revolt in Tunisia and Its 

Aftermath 

(Tr) 


March 2011 

Libyan War, International Intervention 

and Turkey 

(Tr) 

28 

ORSAM 



ORSAM 


March 2011 

From Past to Present Libya 

(Tr) 



Report No: 2 

March 2011 

Climate Change From a Security 

Perspective and Its Effects on 

Middle East 

(Tr) 


March 2011 

Understanding Iraq Through 

Cartoons - 1 

(Tr) 



Report No: 3 

April 2011 

Hydropolitical History of Nile 

River Basin and Recent Developments 

(Tr) 


April 2011 

Social-Political Structure of 

the Northern Iraq and Kurdish 

Regional 

Goverment’s Relations with 

Turkey 

(Tr) 



Report No: 4 

April 2011 

The Obligation of “International 

Cooperation” in Meriç (Maritza- 

Evros) 

Basin Water Management 

(Tr) 


April 2011 

Syria Towards Democracy or 

Civil War?: Social and Political 

Structure, Prospects 

For Change and Its Impacts on 

Turkey 

(Tr) 


May 2011 

Power Struggle in Syria, Reaction 

of the International Community 

and Turkey’s Position 

(Tr) 



Report No: 5 

May 2011 

Turkey-Syria Relations: Asi 

(Orontes) Friendship Dam As An 

Example Of Cooperation 

In Transboundary Waters 

(Tr) 


May 2011 

Orsam Interviews - 1 

Iraqi Arabs, Minorities & Academics 

- 1 

(Tr) 


May 2011 

Orsam Interviews - 2 

Iraqi Turkmens - 1 

(Tr) 


May 2011 

ORSAM Interviews - 3 

Iraqi Kurdish Officials, Academics 

& Journalists - 1 

(Tr) 



Report No: 8 

May 2011 

The 75th Anniversary of Montreaux 

Convention Regarding the 

Regime of Turkish Straits 

(In the Framework of the Changing 

Geopolitics of the Black Sea) 

(Tr) 



Report No: 9 

May 2011 

Afghanistan and Regional Security 

(Middle East, Central and South 

Asia, Russian Federation) 

(Tr - Rus) 


May 2011 

Madagascar: Gains, Missing 

Opportunities, and Relations 

with Turkey in the 50th Year of 

Independence 

(Tr) 


May 2011 

Iraqi Groups’ Approach Towards 

Main Political Problems and Relations 

With Turkey: A Study Based 

On Field Research 

(Tr) 


June 2011 

Antalya Conference of Syrian 

Opposition: Results, Outlook on 

Basic Problems and Expectations 

from Turkey 

(Tr) 


June 2011 

Elections and Experience of Justice 

and Development Party 

(Tr – Ar) 


June 2011 

Reflections Of 12 June 2011 Turkey 

Parliamentary Elections in the 

Middle Eastern Countries 

(Tr - Eng) 


July 2011 

Reflections of 12 June 2011 Turkey 

Parliamentary Elections in the 

Middle East Through Cartoons 

(Tr) 


July 2011 


Cartoons - 2 

(Tr) 



Report No: 6 

July 2011 

Cooperation and Conflict on the 

Mekong River Waters 

(Tr-Eng) 


July 2011 

The Complete Decipher of the 

“Chance in Syria Conference”, 

Carried Out in Antalya Between 

June 1-2 2011 

(Tr - Eng) 


August 2011 


Cartoons - 3 

(Tr) 



Report No: 7 

August 2011 

The Invisible Strategic Resource: 

Transboundary Ground Waters 

(Tr) 


August 2011 

Victory of Justice and Development 

Party in 12 June 2011 

Turkey’s General Elections 

(Tr – Ar) 


August 2011 

Arab Spring Through Cartoons 

– 1 

(Tr) 


August 2011 

Civil War in Libya and International 

Intervention Through 

Cartoons - 1 

(Tr) 


August 2011 

Somalia: A Nation’s Peril and 

Turkey’s Humanitarian Aid 

(Tr) 



The Operaton Against Osama 

Bin Laden and Its Reflections in 

Cartoons 

(Tr) 




Cartoons - 4 

(Tr) 



Report No: 10 


Russia’s and Turkey’s Iran Policies 

in the XXI. Century 

(Tr - Rus) 



Gaza Problem: Israel’s Blocade, 

International Law, Palmer Report 

and Turkey’s Approach 

(Tr) 



Statistics of the Middle Eastern 

Countries 

(Tr) 



Report No: 11 

October 2011 

Anatolian Sphere of Influence 

(Tr-Eng) 



Report No: 12 

October 2011 

Ukraine in Regress: The Tymoshenko 

Trial 

(Eng) 



Report No: 13 

October 2011 

Kazaks and Kazakistanis 

(Tr - Rus) 



Report No: 14 

October 2011 

The Forgotten Turks in Italy: 

Moena Turks 

(Tr - It) 

ORSAM 


ORSAM 



October 2011 

The Regional and Global Effects 

of the Us Post-Withdrawal Policy 

Towards Iraq and Its Reflections 

on Turkey 

(Tr) 



Report No: 8 

October 2011 

Constructed Wetlands and Re- 

Use of Waste Water for the Irrigation 

in Turkey and Israel 

(Tr) 


October 2011 

The Political Balance in Pre- 

Election Period in Tunisia 

(Tr) 


October 2011 


Cartoons - 5 

(Tr) 



Report No: 15 

October 2011 

Great Power Politics on Afghanistan 

(Tr-Eng) 



Report No: 16 

October 2011 

Afghanistan in the Perspective of 

Neighboring Countries 

(Tr-Eng) 


November 2011 

The Community Brought up to 

Agenda upon the Transition in 

Syria: The Turkmens of Syria 

(Tr) 



Report No: 9 

November 2011 

Somalia’s Catastrophic Famine: 

Political Drought or Natural One? 

(Tr-Eng) 


November 2011 

Historical Pragmatism in Syrian 

Political Culture, Syrian Foreign 

Policy Under Bashar Al-Assad 

and Turkish-Syrian Relations 

(Tr) 


November 2011 

From Past to Present: The Iraqi 

Turkmen Front’s Structure and 

Administration 

(Tr) 


November 2011 

Turkmen in Iraq and Their Flight: 

A Demographic Question? 

(Eng) 


November 2011 

Bektashism in Iraq (Turkmens – 

Shabaks – Kakais) 

(Tr) 


November 2011 

Morocco Monarchy in Transformation 

Process: Evolution or 

Revolution? 

(Tr) 


November 2011 

The Efforts of Democratization in 

the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan 

Within the Context of Local 

Actors and Regional Challenges 

(Tr-Eng) 


December 2011 

The Arab League’s and Turkey’s 

Decisions to Impose Sanction 

Against Syria, and Possible Consequences 

(Tr) 


December 2011 

Current Situation of Disputed 

Areas in Iraq 

(Tr) 



Report: 10 

December 2011 

Turkey and Wfd Harmonization: A 

Silent, But Significant Process 

(Eng) 


December 2011 

The Role of Perception in Turkey- 

France Crisis: French Perception 

on Turkey 

(Tr) 


December 2012 

Arab Spring Through Cartoons 

– 2 

(Tr) 


December 2011 


Cartoons – 6 

(Tr) 


January 2012 


Cartoons – 7 

(Tr) 



Report No: 17 

January 2012 

Presidential Election in Kyrgyzstan 

and Its Effects on Kyrgyzstan-Turkey 

Relations 

(Tr) 


January 2012 

Turkish Political Parties’ Statements 

on Syrian Refugees in Hatay, 

and Approaches of Political 

Party Representatives and Movements 

in Hatay Towards Syrian 

Developments (March-December 

2011) 

(Tr) 


January 2012 

Statistics of Iraq 

(Tr) 



Report No: 11 

January 2012 

Right to Safe Drinking Water and 

Sanitation 

(Tr) 


January 2012 

How and Under What Circumstances 

Could Iraq Be Split Up? 

Being Ready for the Worst 

(Tr – Eng) 


January 2012 

The Struggle for Oil in Iraq: An 

Analysis in the Light of Multi- 

National Companies, 

International Contracts and Constitutional 

Debates 

(Tr) 



Report No: 12 

February 2012 

An Evaluation on the Draft Articles 

on the Law of Transboundary 

Aquifers 

(Tr – Eng) 


February 2012 

Political Rights of Minorities in 

Iraqi Legislation 

(Tr) 


February 2012 

Social Rights of Minorities in Iraqi 

Legislation 

(Tr) 


February 2012 

Human Rights of Minorities in 

Terms of International Law And 

Iraqi Constitution 

(Tr) 


February 2012 

The Future of the Economic Cooperation 

Organization (ECO) 

(Tr - Eng) 


February 2012 

The Missing Letter: The Rise of 

Turkey and the “Bric” Area 

(It) 



Report No: 13 

March 2012 

Water Resources and Management 

in Iran 

(Tr) 


March 2012 

A Critical Look at the Syrian 

Kurdish Opposition 

(Tr) 


March 2012 

Constitutional System and Political 

Parties in Islamic Republic 

of Iran 

(Tr) 



Report No: 18 

April 2012 

Mongolia: A Developing Democracy 

and a Magnet for Mining 

(Eng) 


April 2012 

Understanding the Syrian Problem 

Through Comics - 8 

(Tr) 

30 

ORSAM 



ORSAM 


April 2012 

Arguments on Safe Havens in 

Syria: Risks, Opportunities and 

Scenarios for Turkey 

(Tr - Eng) 



Report No: 14 

April 2012 

The Concept of “Benefit-Sharing”, 

Its Theoretical Background 

and Practical Reflections 

(Tr - Eng) 


April 2012 

Invest to Mosul Invest to Future 

(Tr - Eng) 



Report No: 19 

May 2012 

The Analysis of Trade-Economic 

Relations 

Between Ukraine and Turkey 

(Tr - Rus) 



Report No: 20 

May 2012 

Geopolitical Dynamics as an 

Instrument of Investigation of 

Trends and Scenariouse of Regional 

Development 

(Tr - Rus) 



Report No: 21 

May 2012 

Development of Political System 

in Kazakhstan: 2012 Parliamentary 

Elections 

(Tr) 


May 2012 

New Dynamics in Local and Iraqi 

Politics in Mosul (Field Study) 

(Tr - Eng - Ger) 

ORSAM Bericht Nr. 121 

Mai 2012 

Kommunalpolitik in Mosul und 

Neue Dynamiken in Der Irakischen 

Politik (Feldarbeit) 

(Ger) 



Report No: 15 

May 2012 

Water Resources Management 

in Iraq 

(Tr - Eng) 



Report No: 22 

June 2012 

Global Migration and Development 

of Migration Policies 

of Turkey and European Union 

(Tr) 


July 2012 

Turkey in Africa: The Implementation 

of the Action Plan and an 

Evaluation 

After Fifteen Years 

(Tr - Eng - Fr) 

ORSAM Rapport No 124 

Juillet 2012 

La Turquie en Afrique: Un Bilan 

de la Mise en Oeuvre du Plan 

D’action 

Quinze Ans Apres 

(Tr - Eng - Fr) 



Report No: 23 

July 2012 

Middle East Policy of Russia 

(Tr - Eng) 



Report No: 16 

July 2012 

Towards the New Water Framework 

Directive: Notes on Water 

Draft Law 

(Tr) 


August 2012 

Kurdish Movements in Syria 

(Tr - Eng) 



Report No: 24 


The Development of Belarus - 

Turkey Economic Cooperation in 

Modern Conditions 

(Tr - Rus - Eng) 



Report No: 25 


Belarus-Turkey: Positive Dynamics 

of Intergovernmental 

Cooperation 

(Tr - Rus - Eng) 


November 2012 

Syrian Circassians 

(Tr - Eng) 



Report No: 26 

November 2012 

“The Third Wave”: Geopolitics of 

Postmodernism 

(Tur - Eng) 


November 2012 

Foreign Minister Ahmet 

Davutoğlu’s Visit to Kirkuk 

(Tr - Eng) 


November 2012 

The Rise and Future of Opposition 

in Iraqi Kurdistan Region 

(Tr) 


November 2012 

Iraqi Circassians 

(Tr - Eng) 



Report No: 27 

November 2012 

The Peculiarities of Turkey’s 

Foreign Policy towards the Post- 

Soviet States 

(Tur – Eng - Rus) 



Report No: 28 

November 2012 

Turkish-Crimean Relationship as 

an Integration 

Factor in Turkish-Ukranian Relations 

(Tur – Rus) 



Report No: 29 

December 2012 

Energy Policy of Belarus and the 

Cooperation Belarus Developed 

With Russia and the EU on Energy 

(1991-2011) 

(Tur – Rus) 


December 2012 

“Unity or Pyd Power Play? Syrian 

Kurdish Dynamics After the Erbil 

Agreement” 

(Tr) 


December 2012 

Balances among Kurds in Syria, 

Regime Opponents and Turkey: 

Relations Pattern at the Crossroads 

of Conflict-Stability 

(Tr - Eng) 


December 2012 

Internal Political Balances in 

North Iraq and Future of the Strategic 

Alliance 

(Tr - Eng) 


December 2012 

The State of Turkmen Education 

in Iraq 

(Tr - Eng) 


January 2013 

President Obama’s Second Term: 

Domestic and Foreign Challenges 

(Eng) 


January 2013 

2012 Iraq Assessment and Iraq 

Chronology 

(Tr) 



Report No: 17 

January 2013 

Orsam Water Interviews 2011 

(Tr - Eng) 



Report No: 18 

January 2013 

Orsam Water Interviews 2012 

(Tr - Eng) 



Report No: 30 

January 2013 

Eurasi in 2013: 

Political and Economic 

Analysis 

(Eng) 



Report No: 31 

January 2013 

Cultural Dialogue: Newcomers 

from the Ural-Volga Region – 

Belarusian-Lithuanian Tartars in 

Grand Duchy of Lithuania 

(Tur – Rus) 


January 2013 

Internatonal Politics and Civilizations 

(Clash of Civilizations and 

Dialogue) 

(Tr - Eng) 


February 2013 

David cameron and the Eu: 

Crossing the Rubicon 

(Eng) 


March 2013 

Syrian Turkmens: Political Movements 

and Military Structure 

(Tr - Eng) 


March 2013 

Democracy Process and Problems 

in Iraqi Kurdistan 

(Tr - Eng) 

ORSAM 


ORSAM 


ACADEMIC STAFF 



Prof. Dr. Meliha Benli Altunışık 

ORSAM Advisor,Middle East, METU Director of Institute of Social Sciences 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Hasan Ali Karasar ORSAM Advisor, ORSAM Eurasian Strategies Coordinator - Bilkent University 

Prof. Dr. Tarık Oğuzlu 

ORSAM Advisor,Middle East-Antalya International University 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Harun Öztürkler ORSAM Advisor, Middle East Economies - Afyon Kocatepe University, Department of Economics 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Şahin 

ORSAM Advisor, Middle East - Gazi University, Department of IR 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Özlem Tür 

ORSAM Advisor, Middle East - METU, Department of IR 

Habib Hürmüzlü 

ORSAM Advisor, Middle East 

Asst. Prof. Dr. Serhat Erkmen 

ORSAM Advisor, Middle East -Ahi Evran University, Department of IR 

Asst. Prof. Dr. Canat Mominkulov ORSAM Researcher, Eurasia, Al Farabi Kazakh National University 

Elmira Cheremisova 

ORSAM Advisor, Middle East - St. Petersburg University 

Assoc.Prof.Dr. Didem Danış 

ORSAM Advisor, Middle East - Galatasaray University, Department of Sociology 

Dr. Jale Nur Ece 

ORSAM Advisor, Maritime Safety and Security 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. İlyas Kemaloğlu (Kamalov) ORSAM Advisor, Eurasia 

Assoc.Prof.Dr. Yaşar Sarı 

ORSAM Advisor, Eurasia - Kyrgyzstan-Turkey Manas University 

Asst. Prof. Dr. Bayram Sinkaya 

ORSAM Advisor, Middle East - Yıldırım Beyazıt University Department of International Relations 

Dr. Süreyya Yiğit 

ORSAM Advisor, Eurasia 

Att. Aslıhan Erbaş Açıkel 

ORSAM Advisor, Energy-Maritime Law 

Pınar Arıkan Sinkaya 

ORSAM Advisor, Middle East - METU Department of International Relations 

Volkan Çakır 

ORSAM Advisor, Africa - ORSAM Antananarivo (Madagascar) Representative 

Bilgay Duman 

ORSAM Researcher, Middle East 

Tamer Koparan 

ORSAM Managing Editor 

Noyan Gürel 

ORSAM İzmir Represatative 

Oytun Orhan 

ORSAM Researcher, Middle East 

Sercan Doğan 

ORSAM Research Assistant, Middle East 

Nebahat Tanriverdi 


Seval Kök 


Uğur Çil 

ORSAM, Middle East 

Göknil Erbaş 

ORSAM, Black Sea 

Shalaw Fatah 


Tuğçe Kayıtmaz 

Interpreter 


Dr. Tuğba Evrim Maden 

ORSAM Water Research Programme Hydropolitics Researcher 

Dr. Seyfi Kılıç 

ORSAM Water Research Programme Hydropolitics Researcher 

ORSAM ADVISORY BOARD 

Dr. Ismet Abdulmecid 

Prof. Dr. Ramazan Daurov 

Prof. Dr. Vitaly Naumkin 

Hasan Alsancak 

Prof. Dr. Meliha Benli Altunışık 

Prof. Dr. Ahat Andican 

Prof. Dorayd A. Noori 

Prof. Dr. Tayyar Arı 

Prof. Dr. Ali Arslan 

Dr. Farhan Ahmad Nizami 

Başar Ay 

Prof. Aftab Kamal Pasha 

Prof. Dr. Mustafa Aydın 

Ambassador Shaban Murati 

Dr. Ersel Aydınlı 

Safarov Sayfullo Sadullaevich 

Mohamed Noureddine 

Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı 

Itır Bağdadi 

Prof. Dr. İdris Bal 

Assist. Prof. Dr. Ersan Başar 

Kemal Beyatlı 

Yaşar Yakış 

Barbaros Binicioğlu 

Prof. Dr. Ali Birinci 

Patrick Seale 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mustafa Budak 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Hasan Canpolat 

Ret. (Air) Gen. Ergin Celasin 

Dr. Sami Al Taqi 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mitat Çelikpala 

Çetiner Çetin 

Prof. Dr. Gökhan Çetinsaya 

Former President of Iraqi Council of State 

Assistant Director, Russian Academy of Sciences Institute of Oriental Studies 

Director, Russian Academy of Sciences Institute of Oriental Studies 

İhlas Holding CEO 

ORSAM Advisor Middle East, METU Director of Institute of Social Sciences 

Former Minister & Istanbul University 

Vice-Undersecretary in Iraq’s Embassy in Ankara 

Uludağ University, Head of Department of International Relations 

Istanbul University, Department of History 

The Director of Centre for İslamic Studies at Oxford University 

General Secretary, Turkish Textile Employers’ Association 

The Director of The Centre for West Asian Studies in India 

President of Kadir Has University 

Albanian Institute for International Studies 

Vice-President of Bilkent University, Fulbright Executive Director 

Strategic Research Center Under The President of Tajikistan 

Specialist in Turkish Affairs, Prof. at Lebanese University - History 

METU, Head of Department of International Relations 

İzmir Economy University, Department of International Relations and European Union 

Member of Parliament in the 24th Legislative Term of Grand National Assembly of Turkey 

Karadeniz Techinical University, Maritime Transportation and Management Engineering 

Head of Iraqi Turkman Press Council 

Ambassador, Former Minister of Foreign Affairs 

ORSAM Advisor, Middle Eastern Economies 

Polis Akademisi 

Well-Known Middle East and Syria Specialist 

Deputy Director General in Prime Ministerial State Archives 

Turkish Ministry of Defense Advisor 

23rd Commander of Air Forces 

General Manager of Orient Research Center 

Kadir Has University, Head of Deparment of International Relations 

Journalist, Iraq 

President of The Council of Higher Education 

32 

ORSAM 



ORSAM 

Assoc. Prof. Dr Didem Danış 

ORSAM Advisor, Immigration Studies & Iraqi Refugees, Galatasary University, Department of Sociology 

Prof. Dr. Volkan Ediger 

İzmir Economy University, Department of Economics 

Prof. Dr. Cezmi Eraslan 

President of Atatürk Research Center, Istanbul University, Department of History 

Prof. Dr. Çağrı Erhan 

Ankara University, Faculty of Political Science, Department of IR & Director ATAUM 


ORSAM Middle East Advisor, Ahi Evran University, Head of the Department of International Relations 

Dr. Amer Hasan Fayyadh 

Baghdad University, Dean of Political Sciences Faculty (Iraq) 

Att. Aslıhan Erbaş Açıkel 

ORSAM Advisor, Energy-Maritime Law 

Cevat Gök 

Manager of Iraq El FIRAT TV - Turkey 

Mete Göknel 

Former Director of Petroleum Pipeline Corporation (BOTAŞ) 

Osman Göksel 

BTC & NABUCCO Coordinator 

Timur Göksel 

Beirut American University (Lebanon) 

Prof. Muhamad Al Hamdani 

Cultural Undersecretary in Iraq’s Embassy in Ankara 

Numan Hazar 

Retired Ambassador 

Habib Hürmüzlü 

ORSAM Middle East Advisor 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Pınar İpek 

Bilkent University, Department of International Relations 

Dr. Tuğrul İsmail 

TOBB University of Economics & Technology, Department of International Relations 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. İlyas Kemaloğlu (Kamalov) ORSAM Eurasia Advisor 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Hasan Ali Karasar Bilkent University, Department of International Relations 

Assoc.Prof.Dr. Şenol Kantarcı 

Kırıkkale University, Department of International Relations 

Selçuk Karaçay 

Deputy Director, Vodafone (Turkey) 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Nilüfer Karacasulu Dokuz Eylül University, Department of International Relations 

Prof. Dr. M. Lütfullah Karaman 

Istanbul Medeniyet University, Department of International Relations 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Şaban Kardaş 

TOBB Economy and Technology University, Department of International Relations 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Elif Hatun Kılıçbeyli Çukurova University, Head of the Department of International Relations 

Prof. Dr. Aleksandr Knyazev 

Kyrgyz Slavic University (Bishkek) 

Prof. Dr. Erol Kurubaş 

Kırıkkale University, Head of the Department of International Relations 

Prof. Dr. Talip Küçükcan 

Director of Marmara University, Institute of Middle East Studies 

Arslan Kaya 

KPMG, Sworn-in Certified Financial Accountant 

Dr. Hicran Kazancı 

Iraqi Turkman Front Turkey Representative 

İlhan Tanır 

ORSAM Middle East Advisor, Journalist 

İzzettin Kerküklü 

President of Kirkuk Foundation 

Prof. Dr. Mustafa Kibaroğlu 

Okan University, Head of Department of International Relations 

Prof. Dr. Alexandr Koleşnikov 

Diplomat 

Dr. Max Georg Meier 

Hanns Seidel Foundation, Projects Director (Bishkek) 

Prof.Dr. Mosa Aziz Al-Mosawa 

President of Baghdad University (Iraq) 

Prof. Dr. Mahir Nakip 

Erciyes University, Faculty of Economic and Administrative Sciences 

Assoc.Prof.Dr. Tarık Oğuzlu 

ORSAM Advisor,Middle East-Antalya International University 

Hediye levent 

Journalist, Syria 

Prof.Dr. Çınar Özen 

Ankara University, Faculty of Political Science, Department of International Relations 

Murat Özçelik 

Ambassador 

Assoc. Prof. Harun Öztürkler 

ORSAM Middle East Economies Advisor, Afyon Kocatepe University, Department of Economics 

Dr. Bahadır Pehlivantürk 

TOBB Economy and Technology University, Department of International Relations 

Prof. Dr. Victor Panin 

Pyatigorsk University (Pyatigorsk, Russian Federation) 

Assoc.Prof.Dr. Fırat Purtaş 

Gazi University Department of International Relations, Deputy Secretary General of TÜRKSOY 

Prof. Suphi Saatçi 

Secretary-General of Kirkuk Foundation 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Yaşar Sarı 

ORSAM Advisor, Eurasia - Kyrgyzstan-Turkey Manas University 

Ersan Sarıkaya 

Türkmeneli TV (Kirkuk, Iraq) 

Dr. Bayram Sinkaya 

ORSAM Middle East Advisor, Atatürk University 

Assoc.Prof.Dr. İbrahim Sirkeci 

Reader in Demography and Marketing Regent’s College, (London, UK) 

Dr. Aleksandr Sotnichenko 

St. Petersburg University (Russian Federation) 

Semir Yorulmaz 

Journalist, Egypt 

Zaher Sultan 

President of Lebanon Turkish Association 

Dr. Irina Svistunova 

Russia Strategic Research Center, Turkey-Middle East Studies Expert (Russian Federation) 

Asst. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Şahin 

ORSAM Advisor, Middle East, Gazi University, Department of International Relations 

Prof. Dr. Türel Yılmaz Şahin 

Gazi University, Department of International Relations 

Mehmet Şüküroğlu 

Energy Expert 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Oktay Tanrısever METU, Department of International Relations 

Prof. Erol Taymaz 

Vice President of the METU North Cyprus Campus (TRNC) 

Prof. Sabri Tekir 

Dean of İzmir University, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences 

Dr. Gönül Tol 

Director of Middle East Institute Turkish Studies (USA) 

Advt. Niyazi Güney 

Prens Group, Vice Chairman 

Asst. Prof. Dr. Özlem Tür 

ORSAM Advisor, Middle East, METU, Department of International Relations 

M. Ragıp Vural General Coordinator of 2023 (Magazine) 

Dr. Ermanno Visintainer 

Director of Vox Populi (Rome,Italy) 

Dr. Umut Uzer 

Istanbul Technical University, Humanities and Social Sciences 

Prof. Dr. Vatanyar Yagya 

St. Petersburg City Council Member, St. Petersburg University (Russian Federation) 

Dr. Süreyya Yiğit 

ORSAM Eurasia Advisor Prof. Dr. Gökhan Çetinsaya President of The Council of Higher Education 

Assoc. Prof. Dr Didem Danış 

ORSAM Advisor, Immigration Studies & Iraqi Refugees, Galatasary University, Department of Sociology 

EDITORIAL BOARD OF MIDDLE EAST STUDIES 

Meliha Altunışık 

Bülent Aras 

Tayyar Arı 

Middle East Technical University (Turkey) 

Ministry of Turkish Foreign Affairs, Head of Center for Strategic Strategic Research 

Uludağ University (Turkey) 

ORSAM 


ORSAM 


İlker Aytürk 

Bilkent University (Turkey) 

Recep Boztemur 

Middle East Technical University (Turkey) 

Katerina Dalacoura 

London School of Economics (UK) 

F. Gregory Gause Vermont University (USA) 

Fawaz Gerges 

London School of Economics (UK) 

Ahmet K. Han 

Kadir Has University (Turkey) 

Raymond Hinnebusch 

St. Andrews University (UK) 

Rosemary Holiis 

City University (UK) 

Bahgat Korany 

Durham University (UK) 

Peter Mandaville 

George Mason University (USA) 

Emma Murphy 

Durham University (UK) 

MIDDLE EAST ANALYSIS EDITORIAL BOARD 

Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık 


Assoc. Prof. Dr. Hasan Ali Karasar 


Middle East Technical University , Director of Institute of Social Sciences 


Bilkent University, Department of International Relations 

ORSAM Middle East Advisor, Ahi Evran University, Head of Department of International Relations 

34 

ORSAM 


ORSAM 

Mithatpaşa Caddesi 46/6 Kızılay-ANKARA 

Tel: 0 (312) 430 26 09 Fax: 0 (312) 430 39 48 

www.orsam.org.tr, orsam@orsam.org.tr

Full text - orsam

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

Delete template?

Save as template?