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Sexual exploitation and abuse by UN peacekeepers - PeaceWomen

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32<br />

Carlyn van der Mark<br />

Political Science Master Thesis - <strong>Sexual</strong> <strong>exploitation</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>UN</strong> <strong>peacekeepers</strong><br />

that emphasizes the problem with sexual <strong>exploitation</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>abuse</strong>. However, this video is<br />

limited to 20 minutes. Angela McKay, former Chief of Gender Affairs Office in the U.N<br />

mission in Kosovo, argues that the gender training has become sensitized as being part of a<br />

checklist (McKay, 2003). The danger of the military‟s propensity towards checklists can<br />

create gender training as something to be “simply ticked off from a long list alongside<br />

l<strong>and</strong>mines, HIV/AIDS, or driving skills”(McKay, 2003, p.5). Unfortunately this thesis is<br />

limited with regards to testing the effectiveness of gender training on military personnel. This<br />

means that this thesis cannot test if the gender training material provided for a zero tolerance<br />

policy is effective enough for eliminating allegations of sexual <strong>exploitation</strong>. However, from<br />

the results of Table 3 <strong>and</strong> 4 it appears as if gender training has not necessarily effected the<br />

number of allegations of sexual <strong>exploitation</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>abuse</strong>. This is because allegations continue<br />

to persist per year despite the reinforcement for gender training (A/60/640).<br />

Raven-Roberts points out that the flaws with gender training is not the training itself but<br />

rather the implementation of gender training (2005). Departments seek to find gender experts<br />

to fulfill gender focal points instead of personnel with gender <strong>and</strong> political affairs<br />

peacekeeping expertise (Raven-Roberts, 2005, p.52). By not hiring someone with the<br />

expertise of both, then gender issues are not expected to influence the politics of interagency<br />

coordination or discourses within peacekeeping agendas (Raven-Roberts, 2005, p.52).<br />

Furthermore, gender manuals are not always implemented (Raven-Roberts, 2005). Gender is<br />

still treated as a woman‟s issue <strong>and</strong> the responsibility of implementation is left to the women.<br />

However, to decrease levels of sexual <strong>exploitation</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>abuse</strong>, the issue has to be perceived as<br />

the responsibility of both a woman <strong>and</strong> a man. The gender training is not a failure of<br />

eliminating allegations of sexual <strong>exploitation</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>abuse</strong> but rather the implementation of<br />

gender training is flawed. This is not to say that hypothesis I fails specifically. The inclusion<br />

of more gender strategies should decrease levels of sexual <strong>exploitation</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>abuse</strong> as it would<br />

reinforce the importance of the issue. However, the failure is a result of implementation <strong>and</strong><br />

reasoning for including gender strategies into peacekeeping missions. One cannot simply<br />

„add gender‟ to the equation, one needs to directly underst<strong>and</strong> why such allegations occur.<br />

1.6 Conclusion<br />

To conclude, this section has looked at measures implemented <strong>by</strong> the U.N to combat social<br />

masculinities in a zero tolerance policy. Section 1 found that the measures that are<br />

implemented are flawed. They are flawed because they are based on essentialist

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